“Karuna knows in his deepest soul that Pirapaharan is beyond trivial regional sectarianism. Having lived and worked with Pirapaharan for more than 25 years I have never detected any shades of regionalism in his thoughts or action. Karuna’s accusation of regionalism in the LTTE leadership is unfounded and malicious. It is aimed to create confusion among his cadres.” – Anton Balasingham (Tamilnet of March 17, 2004)
By D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) leader, Velupillai Pirapaharan may be guilty of many things but certainly not that of practicing regional sectarianism. Renegade eastern Tiger Leader, Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna is unfair in falsely accusing his former leader on that count.
This column has been critical of the LTTE chief on many issues but has never levelled charges against him as a sectarian leader. Pirapaharan, who was actually born in Batticaloa and not Velvettithurai has to the best of my knowledge never subscribed to a Jaffna supremacist mentality.
Pirapaharan’s political vision is a broadone encompassing the length and breadth of Tamil Eelam extending from Point Pedro in the north to Pottuvil in the east and is not compartmentalised. He is like former LTTE Jaffna commander, Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias Kittu in that respect.
Whatever his faults in the Karuna affair, Pirapaharan cannot be accused of sectarian hegemonism. This column agrees with the views of LTTE political adviser Anton Balasingham that Karuna himself knows deep down that Pirapaharan is not guilty of what he is accusing him of.
The Tamilnet of March 17, 2004 has published an interview of Balasingham on the Karuna crisis. Relevant excerpts are as follows:
” Karuna knows in his deepest soul that Pirapaharan is beyond trivial regional sectarianism. Pirapaharan enjoys great admiration from his people for having built a unified national liberation movement transcending the divisions of class, caste, creed and regions that permeated the traditional Tamil society for centuries. From the very inception the LTTE leadership embraced the concepts of Tamil homeland and nationality as cardinal principles of the freedom struggle. Eighteen thousand freedom fighters and 80,000 Tamil civilians have sacrificed their lives for the cause of a single, unified Tamil homeland. Having lived and worked with Mr. Pirapaharan for more than 25 years, I have never detected any shades of regionalism in his thoughts or action. Karuna’s accusation of regionalism in the LTTE leadership is unfounded and malicious. It is aimed to create confusion among his cadres.
“I can quote an incident to prove how deeply Pirapaharan is committed to the principle of a single, indivisible Tamil homeland. During the Premadasa talks the former President, at one point, urged me to convey a message to Mr. Pirapaharan saying that he was willing to grant even political independence to the north as a separate Tamil state but he will never allow the Eastern Province to be part of the Tamil homeland. When I conveyed this message to the LTTE Leader he said, ‘Please tell Premadasa that he is even prepared to give up the north, but he will not, under any circumstances, be prepared to abandon the Eastern Province and its people.”‘
Karuna may have some grounds to charge the LTTE of discriminating against the east. Due to acts of omission and commission the east has not received the entitlement it deserves. There is certainly a structural imbalance in the administrative machinery of the movement that needs to be addressed.
Pirapaharan’s fault has been in not recognising this earlier and taking steps to rectify it institutionally. For that he may be blamed but to charge the LTTE leader as being partisan towards the north in a deliberate sense is a grievous error or terrible falsehood.
Pirapaharan has had a soft corner for the east and its particular problems. There was a time when he offered Paramadeva arms and assistance to function independently in the east. Paramadeva declined it and opted to work within the LTTE.
De facto leader
In recent times Pirapaharan allowed Karuna to develop several autonomous structures for the east. These were more or less parallel to those in the north. The idea was to develop the LTTE in the east to be on par with their northern counterparts. Karuna who duplicates the great heroes day ceremony at Tharavai was virtually a de facto eastern national leader.
Initially, there was a lot of sympathy for Karuna after breaking away from the LTTE. Karuna, however, seems to have crossed the lakshman rekha in going against the grain of the basic tenets of Tamil nationalism in his fight against the LTTE hierarchy. Whatever the merits or otherwise of his independent stance Karuna cannot raise the regional cry to the point of breaking up broader Tamil unity and also truncating the homeland concept.
As Balasingham says in Tamilnet :
“It is a tragic irony that a person who played major roles in a liberation war to redeem the Tamil homeland from Sinhala military occupation is now denouncing and renouncing the homeland concept, the very foundation of the Tamil freedom struggle.”
Karuna has damaged his own cause by rushing to espouse a rupture with the north and strike a separate deal for the east. His seeming readiness to compromise with Colombo but not Kilinochchi will not go down well with the Tamil people. The fundamental cause for the current ethnic crisis and several related problems is Sinhala majoritarian domination.
Sinhala hegemonistic politics has not gone away. The election phenomenon indicates that clearly. Karuna’s seeming intention to align with the major contradiction as opposed to the lesser one will not be acceptable to Tamil opinion at this point of time.
He has aroused anger and hurt northern sentiment on the one hand. Eastern Tamil opinion too is worried and unhappy about Karuna’s moves to hitch his wagon to the Sinhala star. Reports of trying to join a future government can only trouble Tamil feelings further. Karuna can ignore this reality only to his cost.
Karuna, the eastern LTTE commander for 17 long years, cannot feign ignorance of recent history. State oppression has been brutal and bloody in the east. The violence unleashed on the eastern Tamils by the predominantly Sinhala armed forces aided at times by Muslim home guards made them rely more on the strength provided by the north. This was more of a state of mind at times .
Heightened tension
The Tamil – Muslim tensions exacerbated these feelings further. While decades of war impoverished and enfeebled the Tamils in general, the Muslim community identifying itself with governments in power and enjoying patronage politics were empowered more in comparison with Tamils.
Furthermore colonisation of the east as well as outward migration caused by war had reduced the Tamil presence in the province further. In 1921 the Tamils were 56%, Muslims 40% and Sinhalese four percent in the province; the 1981 census had 42% Tamils, 33% Muslims and 25% Sinhalese. According to the latest projections (minus counts in Tamil dominated uncleared areas), the Muslims are 40%, Tamils 34% and Sinhalese 26%.
Thus the average eastern Tamil who was at one time the dominant numerical entity in the east now feels that he or she is a minority in the region. There is also the underlying fear that the Sinhala and Muslim communities would gang up against the Tamil people of the province.
This sense of insecurity felt by the eastern Tamils was an important motivating factor behind the Tamil homeland demand. The east was seen as an integral part of the Tamil linguistic region or traditional homeland or area of historic habitation.
By linking up with northern Tamils in a greater north – eastern province the Batticaloa Tamils felt more secure. Given the very important role played by eastern Tamils in the politics of moderate as well as militant Tamil organisations the wishes of the east could not be ignored or overridden.
Moreover the brutal ferocity of the Sri Lankan state in trying to crush Tamil militancy in the province left in its wake a beaten and battered people and a virtual ‘scorched earth.’
Against that backdrop it would have been a gross betrayal for anyone to even suggest that the north and east should be linked and that the people of both provinces should be allowed to charter their own political course.
Emotive issue
The post – Thimhu phase of Tamil politics has in a practical sense been a search for greater autonomy. This search for the most part emphasised the unit rather than substance of devolution. Opposition to greater autonomy too has been based more on grounds of unit than powers.
The north – east merger has been a highly emotive issue. There could be no compromise on it. Opting for a de – merger was tantamount to betraying eastern Tamils it was felt.
Today, thesacred cow known as the north – east merger has been wounded if not slaughtered. From a northern perspective it is a deeply distressing feeling of hurt as the demand for de – merger comes not from elsewhere but from the heart of eastern Tiger land.
Karuna has now objected to northern hegemony in the form of north – east merger. The eastern Tamil voice has been added to those of Sinhala and Muslim voices arguing against a merger. This from a northern perspective is the unkindest cut of all.
It was Karuna and his band of eastern Tigers who fought the battles of Jayasikuru and Oyatha Alaigal on northern soil and earned the respect and gratitude of all Tamils at one point of time.
Unfortunately due to bizarre circumstances the very same Karuna has now raised the cry of regional revolt. Whatever the causes for his action there is no doubt that he has touched a raw nerve.
Karuna was perhaps the most inspiring example of the ‘new’ Tamils who is seemingly beyond considerations of caste, religion and region and worships only at the shrine of Tamil Eelam nationalism.
When he raises the regional cry it may strike a ‘limited’ responsive chord in the region. But the overall effect can only be to bewilder and sadden Tamils at large. There is no enthusiasm in the east for Karuna to go this far in his fight with the leadership.
Greater support
He could have enjoyed greater support if he had opted to fight for greater autonomy within the LTTE and accepting Pirapaharan’s leadership without threatening to split north – eastern unity.
The need of the hour is for saner and wiser counsel to prevail on all sides. The Karuna rebellion if allowed to run its course without any effort at reconciliation can only result in weakening the LTTE and by extension the Tamils. A statesmanlike approach is necessary.
Unfortunately the myriad voices raised in support of the LTTE and Velupillai Pirapaharan generate more heat than light. There is unequivocal condemnation of Karuna. He is depicted as a traitor. His act is perceived as treason.This is not conducive for rapprochement.
The London based Tamil Guardian in an editorial spoke about the crisis as one between ‘brothers’ and advocated rapprochement. This initial response was commendable. Subsequently the journal altered its position.
Amidst the cacophony of voices condemning Karuna, voices calling for a balanced and moderate approach are inaudible.
Cost of peace
What is of paramount importance is that the wishes of the eastern Tamil people should be respected. The people would like peace but not at the cost of fratricidal conflict or rupture of north – eastern unity.
If the people want peace, security and prosperity neither the LTTEnor Karuna should impose war on them again. Also if the eastern people do not want brother to fight brother then those wishes should be adhered to.
As TULF ex Amparai District Parliamentarian, Chandranehru Ariyana- yagam stated the eastern Tamil people think of ‘Praba and Karuna as their right and left eye.’None are so blind as those who have eyesight but will not see.
The internal squabbles of the LTTE should not be allowed to drive a deep wedge between the northern and eastern Tamils. Extraneous forces should not be allowed to exploit the situation and ultimately manipulate Karuna.
There is a saying in Tamil about the saree getting entangled in thorns needing to be retrieved carefully. It does not matter whether the saree fell on the thorns or the thorn pierced the saree. Unless it is retrieved carefully it is the saree that will get damaged.
Likewise broader Tamil nationalism is at a critical stage today. Karuna cannot fight both the LTTE and the government simultaneously. He has to make peace with one party.
If the LTTE continues to treat him as the ‘sole’ enemy then Karuna will have no choice other than to throw in his lot with Colombo.
If that happens the military equilibrium will be transformed. If Colombo can secure a peaceful eastern front and neutralise Karuna then Wanni will be at a distinct disadvantage. Colombo will be strengthened further.
If the LTTE continues to be hostile to Karuna and engages in armed action, then Karuna would be forced to align himself with the armed forces to protect himself.
Karuna has a large number of cadres with him. Hecontrols territory. He enjoys the sympathetic support of significant sections of eastern society. Given an external input and logistical assistance Karuna could prove to be an eastern thorn in Tiger flesh.
At best he could be a powerful warlord like Afghanistan’s Rasheed Dostom. At worst he could be the leader of another ex – Tamil militant group fighting alongside the army. There are enough of such outfits in the east already like the PLOTE Mohan Group, EPRLF Razeek Group and TELO Varathan Group.
Swift strike
At present the LTTE is trying to gradually diminish his support and wean away cadres. If and when he is weakened the LTTE will strike. The Tigers will always be on the lookout to launch a swift surgical strike to eliminate him – commando type raid or a covert assassination. If these methods do not succeed there could be an open conflagration at some time.
Whatever the outcome of this confrontation, the LTTE will be weakened. Even if killed Karuna will be a martyr to the east.
A fratricidal conflict where eastern Tiger fights Nothern Tiger will not be relished. Such a conflict will scar the eastern psyche forever.
Consequentially north – east feelings will be ruptured. The north – eastern merger will be lost.
Even if the LTTE installs a puppet Tiger regime manned by eastern quislings, it would not carry much weight with the Batticaloa people. Resentment will always be there.
The LTTE could never again be the fighting machine that it was in the east in particular and Sri Lanka in general.
One silver lining in this gloomy scenario is the current mediatory efforts of intellectuals and professionals from Batticaloa to resolve the situation.
Some of these people were initially supportive of Karuna but realise now the consequences of his action and want to help stabilise the situation.
Even at this late stage there is some chance for reunion if the LTTE hierarchy in Kilinochchi genuinely extends a hand of forgiving friendship.
Karuna too should refrain from escalating tensions further and seek a compromise. Conflict should be avoided and a settlement reached.
Such a compromise should radically reorganise the LTTE administrative machinery. The eastern region should be given extensive autonomy.
Karuna could be given a genuine guarantee of safety and allowed to retire with ‘dignity.’ He should not be labelled a traitor and treated as such.
This may be very hard for the LTTE hierarchy given its pride and sense of self – righteousness, but it is a bitter pill to swallow in the interests of the Tamil people and the movement.
If the Tigers and renegades remain inflexible and pursue a confrontational course it is the Tamil cause that would suffer irredeemable harm in the future.