By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The Parliamentary election held on 22 March 1965 was an important turning point in the post-independence history of Sri Lanka known as Ceylon then. It was this election held sixty years ago that led to the formation of a seven party national Government under Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake after the signing of an agreement (Dudley-Chelva pact) with Tamil leader SJV Chelvanayagam. This column focuses on the March 1965 poll and what happened thereafter in this article.

The term National Government first came into usage in Ceylon – as Sri Lanka was called earlier – in 1965 when the then UNP leader Dudley Senanayake formed a seven-party coalition government. It was called a national government then. The seven members of the 1965 National Government were the United National Party (UNP), Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), Sri Lanka Freedom Socialist Party (SLFSP), All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC). The JVP in that Government is different to the JVP of now. The Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna was founded by K.M.P. Rajaratnae while the founder of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna was Rohana Wijeweera.

Though a coalition government in essence, Dudley named it a national government in 1965. There were some who argued then that Dudley Senanayake’s government could not be described as a national government because all the major political parties represented in Parliament were not in it. The chief opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and its leftist allies the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and Communist Party (CP) were not members of that national Government.

There was however a very good reason for Dudley Senanayake to call his Government a national Government. This was because there was once again a member of the Sri Lankan Tamil nationality in the cabinet after a lengthy absence of nearly 10 years. Former solicitor-general and eminent Lawyer Murugeysen Tiruchelvam represented the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) – called the Federal party in English – in Dudley’s cabinet as Minister of Local Government.

Thus when Murugesysen Tiruchelvam became a minister in Dudley Senanayake’s cabinet in 1965, the Sri Lankan Tamils were making a re-entry into Government after an absence of almost 10 years. Politically Tiruchelvam’s inclusion in cabinet as a representative of the ITAK/FP was symbolic of ethnic reconciliation.

Dudley Senanayake’s no. 2 and the then State Minister J.R. Jayewardene summed up the prevailing mood of the time in a speech made to the Federal Party youth front in Kankesanthurai. JR who was chief guest said: “Since the formation of the national government an unfortunate chapter in the relationship between the Sinhalese and the Tamils has ended… The Federal party is the saviour of democracy because they not only supported us but also stood shoulder to shoulder with us in forming the national govt.”

Hung Parliament

Parliament comprised 151 elected and 6 appointed MPs then. When the March 1965 election results were announced no single party had obtained a simple majority on its own. It was a hung Parliament.

The United National Party(UNP) polling 1,590,929 (39.31%) of the votes obtained 66 seats. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party(SLFP) polling 1,221,437 (30.18%) of the votes came next with 41 seats. The Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi(ITAK) known in English as the Federal Party(FP) was third with 14 seats. It polled 217,914 (5.38%) votes. The Lanka Sama Samaja Party(LSSP) polled 302,095 (7.4 %) votes and got 10 seats. The Communist Party(CP)got 109,754 (2.71%) votes with 4 seats.

Among the other parties winning seats were the Sri Lanka Freedom Socialist Party (SLFSP) which polled 130,429 votes getting 5 seats. The SLFSP was a union of SLFP breakaway MPs led by C.P. de Silva and the Lanka Prajathanthrawadi Pakshaya (LPP) of W. Dahanayake. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress led by G.G. Ponnambalam got 98, 746 (2.44%) votes and 3 seats. The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) led by Philip Gunawardena and the Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led by KMP Rajaratne formed a common front and contested together. Only Philip Gunawardena and Kusuma Rajaratne won.

Apart from these MPs from accredited political parties, six candidates contesting as independents were also elected in 1965. The six independent MPs were M.A. Abdul Majeed (Pottuvil), Prins Gunasekera (Habaraduwa), M.S. Kariapper (Kalmunai), Percy Samaraweera (Welimada), R.G. Senanayake (Dambadeniya) and Mudiyanse Tennekoon (Nikaweratiya).

When the political breakdown on the basis of party positions was taken it appeared that the UNP with 66 seats was also sure of the support of the SLFSP Bloc of 5 MPs. The MEP-JVP combine could lend support if the UNP was able to procure a majority. Three of the six Independents – Abdul Majeed, Kariapper and Samaraweera were also prepared to support the UNP. This would give the UNP a possible total of 76 out of 151 elected MPs. If UNP leader Dudley Senanayake became the Prime minister and nominated six appointed MP’s then the UNP government tally could go up to 82 out of 157. Even with a UNP parliamentarian becoming speaker Dudley Senanayake would have a flimsy majority of six. Besides the Tamil Congress with 3 MPs was also ready to support the UNP Government if necessary.

On the other hand the SLFP with 41 seats was sure of LSSP (10) and CP (4) support. This gave the SLFP-LSSP-CP combine a total of 55 seats. The support of Independents R.G. Senanayake, Prins Gunasekara and “Podi putha” Mudiyanse Tennekoon increased it to 58. This was not enough to form a majority unless the ITAK/FP and smaller parties provided support to the SLFP-LSSP-CP combine.

Balance of Power

The prevailing Parliamentary arithmetic after the elections indicated that the Federal Party (ITAK) with its 14 seats held the balance of power. With FP support Dudley Senanayake could obtain a majority easily. The UNP (66) and FP (14) together would have 80 seats. With six more appointed MPs the new Government would have 86 out of 157 seats in the house. Even the support of other parties such as SLFSP, MEP, JVP and Tamil Congress would not be necessary.

Likewise if the ITAK/FP opted to support the SLFP the hand of Mrs. Bandaranaike would be strengthened effectively. The 14 seats of the FP plus the 55 seats of the SLFP-LSSP-CP combine would amount to 69. Three of the six independents were anti-UNP. Two other independents could be persuaded to support the new SLFP Government. If Mrs. Bandaranaike was sworn in again as Prime Minister and nominated the six appointed MPs the new SLFP led Government would have 80 out of 157 seats.

The importance of the FP was driven home to Dudley Senanayake when he had called on Governor-General William Gopallawa on 23 March after the election results were known. Gopallawa had then informed Senanayake that the incumbent PM Ms. Sirima Bandaranaike was yet to submit her resignation. The Governor-General also told Dudley Senanayake that though the UNP was the single largest party with the most number of seats it was required to acquire a stable majority. He suggested that the UNP obtain the support of other parties such as the FP and prove that it possessed a stable majority.

Against this backdrop it was crystal clear that the ITAK/FP with its 14 seats could either be a Kingmaker by supporting Dudley Senanayake or a Queenmaker by endorsing Sirimavo Bandaranaike. In such a situation the ITAK/FP leader SJV Chelvanayagam’s arrival from Jaffna to Colombo was anxiously awaited by both sides.

The reality unknown to most was that the soliciting of ITAK/FP support had commenced even before the elections were held. Anticipating a hung Parliament and the necessity of potential ITAK/FP support to form a stable majority both the UNP and SLFP had commenced “unofficial discussions” with the FP even as the election campaign was in progress.

Murugeysen Tiruchelvam

ITAK/FP leader S.J.V. Chelvanayagam and other senior party leaders were busy campaigning in the north and east and could not be in Colombo for preliminary discussions. Chelvanayagam therefore entrusted that task to former Solicitor-General Murugeysen Tiruchelvam who was now affiliated to the FP. M. Tiruchelvam was regarded as being close to Chelvanayagam..

Tiruchelvam had begun discreet discussions with both sides in Colombo even as the FP election campaign unfolded in the north and east. “Lake House” Editorial Director Esmond Wickremesinghe (Ranil Wickremesinghe’s father)negotiated on behalf of the UNP with Tiruchelvam. Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) chief Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was of assistance to both Wickremesinghe and Tiruchelvam in these talks.

Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) leaders Dr. N.M. Perera, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva and Anil Moonesinghe negotiated on behalf of the SLFP in talks with Tiruchelvam. The left parties LSSP and Communist Party (CP) were allies of the SLFP. Democratic Workers Congress (DWC) leader A. Aziz aided the LSSP leaders in these talks.

Tiruchelvam apparently conducted these parallel discussions secretively and reported only to Chelvanayagam. None of the other ITAK/FP leaders knew about the talks. The FP negotiator however did not commit himself to either party until the elections were concluded. In any case the ultimate decision could only be made by FP Leader Chelvanayagam and approved by senior party leaders.

Turret Road Meeting

Chelvanayagam and other senior ITAK/FP leaders arrived in Colombo. Esmond Wickremesinghe met Chelvanayagam personally and assured him that the UNP would honour any arrangement reached with the FP. A crucial meeting was set up between Dudley Senanayake and S.J.V. Chelvanayagam at the Turret Road (now Anagarika Dharmapala Mawatha) residence of Dr. M.V.P. Peiris.

Dudley Senanayake elected to Parliament from Dedigama was accompanied by J.R. Jayewardene (Colombo South), V.A. Sugathadasa (Colombo North) and of course Esmond Wickremesinghe. The host Dr. Peiris who was later appointed a minister in the UNP cabinet was also present. The ITAK/FP delegation led by Kankesanthurai MP Chelvanayagam consisted of Dr. E.M.V. Naganathan (Nallur), S.M. Rasamanickam (Paddiruppu), V. Navaratnam (Kayts) and M. Tiruchelvam.

Since most of the spadework had been done by Esmond Wickremesinghe and Murugeysen Tiruchelvam, the UNP-FP talks progressed smoothly. The ITAK/FP had raised areas of concern such as use of Tamil language in administration, use of Tamil in courts, de-centralisation of power to the north and east and land alienation and settlement in the north and east. Both sides agreed to terms reached in three of the four areas including the setting up of district councils. The problem was in the area of land alienation and settlement.

The ITAK/FP insisted that the demography of areas in the north and east should not be altered by State aided colonisation of Sinhala settlers. The FP called it Sinhala colonisation of the traditional Tamil homeland and demanded that only Tamil speaking people should be settled in colonisation schemes in the north and east.

An emotional Dudley Senanayake vehemently objected to this and blurted out, “Then where are my people to go for land?” With both sides refusing to compromise there set in a deadlock. It was almost midnight now and the UNP-FP talks seemed destined to fail.

This state of affairs changed when Dr. Peiris went out to make some telephone calls. He made a dramatic re-entry saying there was a report that Mrs. Bandaranaike was on her way to Queens House to be sworn in as Prime Minister around midnight because the FP was supporting her.

This “news” was wrong but the flabbergasting piece of information helped alter the situation drastically. There was now a sense of urgency and determination that an agreement be reached between both parties. A message was conveyed to the Governor-General William Gopallawa on behalf of Chelvanayagam that the FP was not supporting the SLFP and that it was discussing the issue of supporting the UNP with Dudley Senanayake.

Thereafter matters moved fast. After further discussions a compromise was proposed by Esmond Wickremesinghe. It was suggested that when irrigation schemes were implemented in a district and agricultural settlers were given lands, priority should be given to people of the same province. Thereafter priority should be given to people from adjacent provinces. This compromise was acceptable to both sides.

Dudley-Chelva Pact

With agreement being reached, J.R. Jayewardene suggested that copies be made of the agreement and signed by the respective party leaders. The FP’s V. Navaratnam then began typing out the terms of the agreement as JR read them out aloud. Dudley Senanayake and S.J.V. Chelvanayagam signed both copies. The historic agreement became known as the Dudley- Chelva pact.

After signing the Dudley-Chelva pact both leaders shook hands. While shaking hands Chelvanayagam simply told Senanayake, “I trust you” to which Dudley replied, “I have been in politics for thirty years. I have never gone back on my promise.”

Queens House was immediately informed by telephone that an agreement had been arrived at between the UNP and FP. A letter addressed to the Governor-General on behalf of the FP was drafted and typed out at the house of Dr. Peiris. The letter stating that the FP was supporting the UNP to form a government was immediately despatched by courier to the Governor-General.

After agreement was reached, an elated Dudley Senanayake told Chelvanayagam that he was willing to offer three cabinet minister posts to the FP. Chelvanayagam told Dudley that the FP too could not accept ministry posts as FP candidates contesting polls had pledged that they would not accept cabinet portfolios until their ideal of Federalism was realised.

Dudley however was insistent. He said that without the participation of the FP the Government which he was going to be head of would not be a “national” Government. He urged the party to re-consider its decision. Chelvanayagam then replied that he would place the UNP leader’s request before the FP Parliamentary group for consideration. The FP then departed in the wee hours of the morning.

Last Ditch Effort

It had now become clear that Dudley Senanayake was going to form a Government with the help of the FP and other parties. Still the LSSP made a last ditch effort to reverse the situation. Dr. N.M. Perera and the DWC’s Aziz went to Tiruchelvam’s house in Rosemead Place. While N.M. waited in the vehicle, Aziz went in and met Tiruchelvam. The FP negotiator told the DWC leader that the party was going to support the UNP. A crestfallen Aziz turned back.

LSSP leader Dr. N.M. Perera would not give up still. He went along with Anil Moonesinghe to the Alfred House Gardens residence of Chelvanayagam. NM offered to get the 1957 Banda- Chelva agreement implemented in full if the FP supported an SLFP-led Government. Chelvanayagam politely refused saying the party had pledged its support to the UNP.

Joint Letter

Dudley Senanayake also sought and obtained a letter of support from all party leaders addressed to the Governor-General. The joint letter stated: “The results of the General Elections show the country has endorsed our actions in defeating the coalition govt. in Parliament on December 3rd. We represent an overall majority in the house of representatives. We will support a National Government under the leadership of Mr. Dudley Senanayake the leader of the United National Party who has pledged to protect and preserve democratic freedom and to rescue the country from the economic and other difficulties that now face us.”

It was signed by Dudley Senanayake (UNP), C.P. de Silva (SLFSP), S.J.V. Chelvanayagam (FP), GG Ponnambalam (ACTC) and Philip Gunawardena (MEP).

The letter signed by Dudley Senanayake and other party leaders was accepted and perused by Governor-General Gopallawa. After being satisfied, Gopallawa then telephoned Sirima Bandaranaike and informed her that the UNP had the necessary majority. Mrs. Bandaranaike said she would come to Queens House and submit her resignation. Dudley Senanayake was asked to call over at Queens House and take his oaths as Prime Minister. Dudley Senanayake did so and was sworn in as premier for the fourth time.

ITAK/FP Parliamentary Group

Meanwhile the ITAK/FP parliamentary group met in Colombo. Chelvanayagam briefed all the MPs about the agreement reached with the UNP. He then informed the party of the three ministry posts offer and pointed out that the party having a minister in cabinet would be beneficial in ensuring the smooth implementation of the Dudley-Chelva agreement. He was supported by Dr. E.M.V. Naganathan who observed it was easier to work from within Government ranks rather than from outside.

As all the FP candidates had vowed not to accept ministerial office and all elected MPs were bound by such oath, it was decided that a person who had not made such a pledge could accept a cabinet portfolio. The FP would only accept one ministry and not three ministry posts.It was unanimously resolved that Tiruchelvam should represent the FP in the National Government. He would also be made a member of the upper house or Senate. So M.Tiruchelvam became minister of Local Government in the National Government.

“Hath Haula”

The National Government of Dudley Senanayake in 1965 was a seven-party coalition comprising the UNP, FP, SLFSP, MEP, ACTC, JVP and CWC. It was popularly referred to as the “Hath Haula” meaning an assortment of seven..

Government Representatives of the UNP, SLFSP, FP and MEP were appointed as ministers. The JVP’s Kusuma Rajaratne was made a deputy minister. The Tamil Congress did not accept ministerial office but the party’s Uduppiddy MP M. Sivasithamparam became deputy speaker and chairman of committees in 1968.

The CWC had campaigned strenuously for the UNP in the elections but did not field any candidates of their own. Dudley Senanayake nominated the CWC’s S. Thondaman and V. Annamalai as appointed MPs. R. Jesudasan of the CWC was made Senator. The CWC was the seventh member of the UNP-led National Govt. The National Govt of Dudley Senanayake with 17 cabinet ministers was sworn in on 27 March 1965.

The “Hath Haula” National Government was the first Government since Independence to complete its five-year full term of office from 1965 to 1970. In 1968 Tiruchelvam resigned as minister over the refusal of Dudley Senanayake to declare the Koneshwaram temple precincts in Trincomalee as a sacred area. The ITAK/FP sat in the Opposition but did not vote against the Govt. The Dudley Senanayake Govt also went back on its promise to introduce the District Councils scheme.In 1969 the FP quit the Govt.

UNP Routed in 1970 Polls

The National Government of Dudley Senanayake completed its full term and confidently went to the polls in 1970 seeking a renewed mandate from the people of the country. The voters of Sri Lanka however had other ideas and passed harsh judgement on the performance of the National Government. The UNP was routed at the 1970 polls.

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahyoo.com

This article appears in the “DBS Jeyaraj Column”of the “Daily Mirror” dated 24 March 2025.It can be accessed here –

https://www.dailymirror.lk/opinion/March-1965-Elections-Dudley-Chelva-Pact-and-the-Hath-Haula-National-Govt/172-305029

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