By
Rasika Jayakody
There was a time when President Maithripala Sirisena appeared as if he would make himself eligible for the Nobel peace prize this year. There were several international groups who were willing to nominate President Sirisena for the Nobel Prize for changing the trajectory of a country that was gradually leaning towards dictatorship. Sirisena came to power in the garbs of a national leader who would stay above day-to-day mundane ‘politics’ and take the country towards a new phase of development in terms of freedom, democracy, good governance and human rights. Many dubbed him as a leader who had the potential of becoming the Sri Lankan equivalent of Nelson Mandela or Abraham Lincoln.
Today, four months down the line, President Sirisena is drifting away from his status as the non-partisan national leader of the country. He is working laboriously to resolve the internecine power struggle within the SLFP, which emerged as a result of pro-Rajapaksa “tendencies” among certain sections of the party. It looks as if President Sirisena is hell-bent on drawing the support of the SLFP group who have already aligned themselves with the former President. The SLFP has also given strong indications that it is not willing to go for Parliamentary election with a section of party MPs and grassroots level activists campaigning on behalf of the Rajapaksas.
As President Sirisena assumed duties, there was a solid platform for him to consolidate his power in the SLFP. The President and the UNP had a tacit agreement to work together at least for two years within the framework of a national unity government. The President had a plan to bring about party reforms within this interim period while freeing the party from the specters of the Rajapaksa rule. As there was an agreement for a national unity government, the SLFP, under Maithripala Sirisena, was going to remain as a stakeholder of the ruling coalition for two years, without confining itself to the ‘opposition’. An arrangement of that nature would not have allowed anybody to claim that Maithripala Sirisena plunged the SLFP into the opposition.
When President Sirisena was given the SLFP leadership, the party, as a whole, had to deal with numerous issues. A number of politicians representing the SLFP faced bribery, corruption, and money laundering allegations. Some were even dubbed as smugglers of drugs and ethanol. Political stooges and hooligans were appointed as Pradeshiya Sabha and Provincial Council members of the party, sidelining those who made immense sacrifices for 17 years, when the party was out of power.
The urban middle class, an important part of the country’s electorate, did not have faith in the SLFP as the Rajapaksa rule was characterized with bribery, corruption, nepotism and culture of impunity. On the other hand, the SLFP old guard was disgruntled over the state of affairs in the party and they desperately needed reforms to ‘clean up’ the party. Most of them were inactive during the last Presidential election when Maithripala Sirisena challenged Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidency.
President Sirisena had an opportunity to use that ‘interim period’ to cleanse the party and rebuild it from the bottom, perhaps at the expense of some stalwarts and grassroots level members of the party. In spite of some temporary setbacks, comprehensive reforms of that nature would have allowed President to restore public faith in the party and draw the support of urban middle class and minorities who drifted away from the SLFP over the last five years. That was one of the biggest challenges lying ahead of Sirisena when he rose to power after the last Presidential election.
However, some unexpected problems cropped up within weeks after he assumed office. Some coalition partners of the UPFA launched a ‘Bring Back Mahinda” campaign with the support of SLFP MPs who were benefitted from the Rajapaksa rule in numerous ways. They even defied orders issued by the party Central Committee when attending public rallies organized by the pro-Rajapaksa camp. The SLFP led by President Sirisena could have nipped this negative trend in the bud had it taken disciplinary action against MPs who attended pro-Rajapaksa rallies defying Central Committee orders. Instead of taking stringent measures to ensure party discipline, Presient Sirisena resorted to alternate options such as offering Ministerial portfolios to MPs who were on the fence. For a party that was ruled with an iron fist over a period of 10 years, such smooth operations did not bring about desired results.
Even the party seniors, who were supportive of President Sirisena, aligned themselves with the Rajapaksa camp when they realized that there would be no disciplinary action against those who violate Central Committee orders. Today, senior SLFP MPs such as Susil Premajayantha, John Seneviratne and Dilan Perera have joined the ‘Bring Back Mahinda’ campaign, raising serious doubts in the minds of the SLFP supporters over the party’s future. The party is now on the verge of a serious division and the Rajapaksa group is confident that it will have the lion’s share.
Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, a key figure instrumental in the campaign of the common candidate, was of the strong belief that those who flirted with the Rajapaksa campaign should be severely dealt with. She was not even in favour of negotiations between President Sirisena and the delegation led by Rajapaksa. Speaking to her associates immediately after the first round of discussions between Sirisena and Rajapaksa, Kumaratunga said she could not fathom the logic behind holding talks with the Rajapaksas.
It was against this backdrop that the six member committee, appointed by President Sirisnena, to coordinate with former President Rajapaksa, met the President last week. What the President suggested the committee was a Clinton-like arrangement for the former President, without granting him nomination to contest the forthcoming Parliamentary election. It was similar to the position held by former US President Bill Clinton after he stepped down from presidency having served two terms in office.
Under that arrangement, the former President will have a “distinguished position” in the party with necessary facilities to initiate a “Rajapaksa Foundation” in Sri Lanka – an organization similar to the Clinton Foundation in the US. Clinton Foundation was established by former Bill Clinton with the stated mission to “strengthen the capacity of people throughout the world to meet the challenges of global interdependence.” The Foundation focuses on improving global health and wellness, increasing opportunity for women and girls, reducing childhood obesity and preventable diseases, creating economic opportunity and growth, and helping communities address the effects of climate change. The Foundation works principally through partnerships with like-minded individuals, organizations, corporations, and governments, often serving as an incubator for new policies and programs. They have offices located in New York City and Little Rock, Arkansas.
With an arrangement of that nature, Rajapaksa will be able to continue with his work on the social development front, without getting into active politics. The government will provide necessary funds of its functioning, if required. President Sirisena had also indicated that he would be in a position to defend Rajapaksa on the war crimes front, if the latter agreed to cooperate within the proposed framework.
According to this proposal, granting nomination to Rajapaksa to contest the Parliamentary election is not even a remote possibility. However, the former President will be given a safe and honourable position to carry out social empowerment projects and represent the country in certain international events. In return, those who have aligned themselves with the Rajapaksa camp should extend their support to President Sirisena at the forthcoming Parliamentary election.
Two top state officials seek “amicable settlement”
Meanwhile, two top state officials who played crucial roles under the previous regime had also met President Sirisena last week to discuss in this regard. That discussion primarily focused on investigations against the Rajapaksa family. The officials had communicated that they would be able to get the consent of Rajapaksa for an “amicable settlement” if the government agreed to do away with investigations.
Although the six member committee is yet to meet Rajapaksa to discuss this matter “officially”, the former President has already given indications that he is not willing to accept the proposal. UPFA MP T. B. Ekanayake, a member of the committee to promote cooperation, told the Daily News that they would meet Rajapaksa today (on Wednesday) to discuss the matter in detail.
“We cannot say anything officially as we are yet to hold formal discussions with the former President. However, I can confirm that we did not talk about ‘Prime Ministerial candidacy” with President Sirisena,” Ekanayake said.
Rajapaksa is unlikely to accept Sirisena’s offer due to multiple reasons. His camp has already made plans to contest the election separately under Rajapaksa’s leadership. They believe that the majority of Parliamentarians and grassroots level members of the SLFP will extend their support to Rajapaksa at the election.
“In the former President’s opinion, the majority of the SLFP is with him. He believes over 80 percent of the party will support him at the election. Another group of MPs, including several senior Parliamentarians, are likely to join him after the dissolution of Parliament. In that context, there is no reason for Rajapaksa to accept President Sirisena’s offer,” a Parliamentarian supporting Rajapaksa told the Daily News, explaining the sentiments running through the Rajapaksa camp.
Vasudewa Nanayakkara, a stalwart of the Rajapaksa campaign, told media a few days ago that they were ready to contest the election under a front led by the former President. By making the statement, Nanayakkara shattered the hopes of those who strive to create unity in the SLFP. It is in the grapevine that the party has even formulated an election manifesto to contest separately.
Giving another indication in this regard, a group of staunch Rajapaksa supporters sought registration to form a new political party. The name of this new political front is “Nidahas Lanka Janatha Peramuna”. The party colour will be the colour of Kurahan strongly resembling the ‘Satakaya’ worn by members of the Rajapaksa family. Sources revealed that documents have already been sent to the Elections Commissioner seeking registration for the party.
The leader of the party will be Dr. Raja Darmapala and the Chairman will be Amarasinghe Kudagalara. Gamini Rasaputra and Hudson Samarasinghe will function as the General Sectary and the National Organizer respectively. Former journalist Seelarathne Senarath will be the Treasurer. of the new party One can make an observation that almost all the office bearers of the party were involved in the media and propaganda machinery of the former President when he was in power. There is speculation that this will act as a proxy organization for Rajapaksa to facilitate his entry into political. However, he has several choices at his disposal where political parties and ‘symbols’ are concerned. It is still not entirely clear whether Rajapaksa will contest from Hambanthota or he will come from another district. There were rumours among members of the Rajapaksa camp that the former President might contest from the Rathnapura district, making way for Namal Rajapaksa to contest from Hambanthota, the traditional stronghold of the Rajapaksas.
Chathura Senaratne’s true intention
Meanwhile, Rajitha Senaratne’s son, Chathura Senaratne’s challenge for Rajapaksa to beat him at the Parliamentary election went viral on social media, over the past few days. Even staunch supporters of the government found Senaratne’s challenge frivolous as the Minister’s son has not even contested a Pradeshiya Sabha election. However, by making that statement, Chathura Senaratne, a relatively lesser known character in the political fold, managed to draw a lot of media attention within few days.
Chathura Senaratne joined the campaign of the Common Opposition due to the role he played in the Pivithuru Hetak organization, led by Athuraliye Rathana Thera. Senaratne earned the ire of former President Rajapaksa as his son was involved in a political movement that pushed for constitutional reforms. However, one has to understand the fact that the “pivithuru hetak” organization (or its leader) was not the “founder” of the campaign to field a common candidate at the presidential election. In the recent past, Rathana Thera sounded as if he was the sole proprietor of the Common Candidate’s campaign at the last Presidential election.
Informed sources told the Daily News that Senaratne too was planning to enter active politics within the next few months. Perhaps, Senaratne wanted to make his name a “household name” before entering national level politics. Therefore, one should not be hasty to suggest that Senaratne’s statement came out of sheer political naivety. It looked like an intentional publicity tactic ahead of his entry into what people identify as ‘active politics”.
Meanwhile, Chathura’s father, Rajitha Senaratne too made headlines over the weekend as he met former Minister Basil Rajapaksa at a private hospital in Colombo. Senaratne is a school friend of Basil Rajapaksa and there were rumours that Senaratne was the one who advised the former Minister to leave the country immediately after the Presidential election. The discussion between Rajapaksa and Senaratne lasted for nearly two hours and their discussion was mainly based on the country’s political situation.
When asked about the meeting, Senaratne had told his Parliamentary colleagues that he did not need special permission from anyone to meet Rajapaksa as they studied together in school. The discussion between Senaratne and Rajapaksa is a strong indication that the former Economic Development Minister, who is considered by many as the most nimble-minded member of the Rajapaksa family, is keen on maintaining his links with the anti-Rajapaksa elements of the Rajapaksa family. There are speculations that Basil Rajapaksa may even act as the “bridge” between pro and anti-Rajapaksa factions of the SLFP. This is something that must worry the UNP which is planning cash in on the divided SLFP vote at the next Parliamentary election.
This discussion came just weeks after the meeting between Basil Rajapaksa and Athuraliye Rathana Thera at the Merchant Ward of the Colombo National Hospital. That discussion too lasted for nearly two and a half hours and it raised the eyebrows of many in the political circles. Interestingly, by the time the discussion took place, Senaratne’s son Chatthura Senaratne was working very closely with Rathana Thera.
UNP still lives in hope
The United National Party is of the belief that the dissolution of Parliament is imminent. Previously, there were some serious doubts about dissolution with the 20th Amendment to the constitution coming into play. However, at this point, it looks as if the 20th Amendment will only see the light of day under the new Parliament. The adjournment debate on electoral reforms taking place on Tuesday and Wednesday is an indication that the passage of electoral reforms may be passed on to the new Parliament.
The decision to debate an adjournment motion over electoral reforms irked Opposition Leader Nimal Siripala de Silva, Chief Opposition Whip john Seneviratne and JHU Parliamentarian Athuraliye Rathana Thera at the party leaders’ meeting on Monday. It was first proposed by Leader of the House Lakshman Kiriella who started the meeting. He said such a measure was necessary as minor parties had expressed fears over electoral reforms. In response, The JHU representative insisted that a fresh debate should not take place in Parliament as another debate had already been scheduled. Rathana Thera’s remarks were opposed by Dinesh Gunawardena, Tissa Vitarana and the Muslim Congress representative who categorically stated that a fresh debate should take place especially to address concerns raised by minority parties. The meeting was chaired by Deputy Speaker Chandima Weerakkody.
Rathana Thera, in response, said various political parties were playing political games with the 20th Amendment. After making this remark, he suddenly left the meeting without waiting for its conclusion. The meeting proceeded without Rathana Thera and the party leaders arrived at a final agreement on adjournment debate.
Meanwhile, President Sirisena also gave a sign that he was not hell-bent on passing the 20th Amendment in the present form. Speaking at the opening of the new administration building at Kotikawatta-Mulleriyawa Pradeshiya Sabha, the President said that the Gazette Notification on the 20th Amendment should be considered as a guideline for the electoral reforms to be introduced and was not the final version.He pointed out that the Gazette Notification has introduced a basis upon which other ideas could also be incorporated. By making this statement, the President contradicted the remarks made by Opposition Leader Nimal Siripala de Silva who insisted that Parliament should proceed with electoral reforms in present form. The President’s flexibility came as a relief for minor parties who said that the proposed electoral reforms would lead to what they termed as bi-party dictatorship.
One can assume that the present crisis within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party is preventing President from dissolving Parliament. However, he should now realize that consuming more time will only worsen the problem.
Rajapaksa’s camp has already calculated that the release of UN Human Rights Commission’s report in September will give a fillip to the former President’s political campaign. They expect that the report will contain references to war crimes and those who were responsible for such incidents. Rajapaksa, being the Commander in Chief during the time of war, is not in a position to distance himself from possible war crimes allegations. On the other hand, his sibling, former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was also instrumental in the war machinery which crushed the LTTE in May, 2009. With the release of the UNHRC report, the pro-Rajapaksa camp will gleefully use patriotic rhetoric to draw the support of masses for their political campaign characterized with Sinhala-Buddhist supremacy. This will be another challenge for President Sirisena who is trying his best to halt the erosion of the SLFP. He can prevent this problem if he conducts the Parliamentary election as early as possible and convene the new Parliament before the release of the UNHRC report.
Courtesy:Daily News