By

Niranjala Ariyawansha

JVP leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake in an interview with Ceylon Today,giving reasons for the exit of former JVP firebrand Wimal Weerawansa from the party said, “In Weerawansa’s case, he gave party internal information to the enemy, and did not maintain the minimal discipline needed by a party stalwart and disregarded party decisions. Therefore, we had to take disciplinary action against him and he left the party”.

Here are excerpts of the interview;

Q.
Uva Provincial Council election is the last election before the Presidential election. The result of the election has great impact on the Presidential poll. How will the election affect the JVP?

Rajapaksa regime considers this election the precursor for the Presidential election scheduled to be held at the beginning of the next year. The JVP election front has experienced a setback but we were able to revive and direct the party towards a vote base increase in our own way at the Western and Southern Provincial Council elections. We hope to further improve those performances at the next election. The SLFP and UNP have ruled this country for 66 years. Senanayaka family, Bandaranaike family, Rajapaksa & Wickramasinghe family and Rajapaksa family ruled the country for 63 years. In our election propaganda campaign, we are educating people of Uva Province that we need to change the path of the country. We hold pocket meetings and conduct door to door canvassing.

Q.
Does the JVP appear for the idea of fielding a common candidate at the upcoming Presidential Election?

The entire Rajapaksa regime must be overthrown. Rajapaksa regime has completely destroyed the economy and the rule of law. All the structures needed to maintain a society have been demolished. Their cronies have devastated the entire country. Our aim is to create a progressive administration. A platform has been built by Maduluwave Sobhitha Thera. We don’t think that this dialogue is based on an approach for a broad social transformation. We think we must build up a broader programme to change this system.

Meanwhile, UNP General Secretary, Tissa Aththanayaka, has declared that UNP leader Ranil Wickramasinghe will contest the next Presidential election. In such context, the dialogue that centres round Sobhitha Thera becomes invalid. Common process ends with it. In such backdrop, we think that we must build a third path. We hope the dialogue must be directed towards deeper reforms.

Q.
Do you mean the JVP will quit the common candidate platform in case Ranil Wickramasinghe contests the Presidential?

Ranil is not the common candidate. He is a UNP candidate. How can he become the common candidate?

Q.
According to JVP’s thinking, who is the best candidate who can defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa?

We have to discuss it but I don’t think Ranil is suitable to be the Presidential candidate. We know the UNP’s past and present behaviour and the relationships they have with the government. Therefore, none of the UNP members can be the common candidate. If we nominate somebody, he or she will not be common candidate. We must discuss and resolve this issue. Individuals are not important. That is where we have erred. A common action plan is more important than individuals. Therefore, we hope the common attempt may be successful.

Q.
Has the JVP taken a decision to contest the Presidential election as a single party?

I think we must not panic. We have not taken a final decision. We think that the common programme will end if the UNP fields Ranil Wickramasinghe as its candidate. This is still open for dialogue.

Q.
The programme set forth by Sobitha Thera is also the same common programme, isn’t it?

We are in a wrong perception that the present Constitution and the Executive Presidency are the root causes of all the problems we face today. Constitution is only one factor. Why do we need authoritarian rule in this country? You may recall the experience in 2002 and 2003. How did Ranil Wickramasinghe rule the country as Prime Minister even without powers of Executive Presidency? This is not a personal problem of Ranil or Mahinda. This is a problem in the social system. Due to the decline in the economic structure of this country, the capitalist system cannot anymore maintain with rule of law, independence of the judiciary and freedom of expression. The capitalist system of this country seeks for authoritative powers. We saw that it in Chandrika, Ranil, Mahinda and all.

Q.
Do you mean that this authoritarianism is not a product of this constitution?

Yes. The Constitution provides a legal cover for this. In this country, we see two profitable businesses, i.e. selling drugs and politics. Even a Local Government member can amass wealth under this system. Who are the businessmen in this country now? They are politicians. We must turn this system to the right path. We must change this country’s political culture.

Q.
Isn’t the political culture you mention a result of the Executive Presidency and the present constitution?

No. The impact of the Constitution to the political culture is minimal. It is a wrong perception that the constitution is wrong. It is like beating the deer skin which is in the house while the actual deer that ate the crops hides in the jungle. The Constitution is a creation of the crisis. The articles of the Constitution were designed to create an authoritarian style. The Rajapaksa regime has strength due to the legal protection guaranteed by the constitution. Can democracy and freedom of the judiciary guaranteed under such system? The Presidency is a representative of capitalism.

Q.
How long will it take for the change you highlighted? Should we keep this rule until that change is made realistic?

We must not calculate this in terms of years. This rule is not relevant to us. We don’t care it. We want to change the system. We have always changed the engine driver of the train which runs on the same track. Now we need to change the track. There is no point in asking Mahinda to get down and Ranil to get in.

Q.
But this change of path is a lengthy process. How far will the destruction go until the change is made?

Yes. But it is the right process. We highlight that the society must be changed as a whole. It is not easy. But it is what we should do. It is easier to change rulers. We have to select the right path though it is difficult. That is our duty. We must unite immediately to prevent destruction.

Q.
Is JVP ready to play a major role in uniting the people?

Yes, we are ready to join for a broad social transformation. But why must we contribute to the needs of those who want to taste the executive powers and those who want to take revenge?

Q.
Recently Lal Kantha said that alliances split the party. Was it actually a result of coalition politics?

I don’t think that coalition politics was the reason for the split of the party. Coalition politics tarnished the party’s image. A political error has affected the party vice versa.

In Weerawansa’s case, he gave party internal information to the enemy, and did not maintain the minimal discipline needed by a party leader and disregarded party decisions. Therefore, we had to take disciplinary action against him and he left the party. On the other hand, we must be able to understand the setbacks of the party. We must be resilient to the setbacks. We must believe in success. Various trends are formed among those who lack these capabilities. 2012 split is an outcome of such tendency.

Q.
Can the people understand the difference between your strategies and the coalition politics?

That is our duty and responsibility. Left movement must educate the people about the situation, social responsibility and our actions. We are doing it at present. You may ask if it is sufficient. No, it is not sufficient. That is the challenge.

Q.
JVP criticizes the present regime. But the same JVP ushered the present rule in 2005 to power. In this context, one may argue that the JVP has no moral right to criticize the government?

We brought Rajapaksa to power in 2005. There is no Rajapaksa if we did not act. That is why we have a greater responsibility to criticize him, expose him and to chase him.

Q.
Was it an error to have had backed Rajapaksa in 2005?

No. Don’t take 2005 separately. As I said earlier, we did a political error in 2004 and 2005 was an extension of it. We toppled the government in 2004 creating a coalition opposing the UNP government’s approach towards ethnic problem. Our decisions are right in singular terms. But if we consider the strategy as a whole, the entire project is an error.

Q.
JVP promotes a common candidate and rejects coalition politics. How do you relate this?

Alliances and coalition politics are two different entities. We reject coalition politics but we admit strategies. We agree to a common candidate since it is a strategy. But it is not the end. It can be either a strategic move or a common programme based on the progress of the programme and our contribution to it.

Q.
Can the people understand JVP’s language?

I think they understand. Those who do not understand now, will understand later.
Everybody needs a change today. But if we ask what change they need, there is no uniformity in the ideas. Our duty is to educate people about the change they want.

Q.
Is the JVP racist? Are you ready to join with the TNA to defeat this government?

We are not racist at all. We think that all people of this country must have equal rights. We are ready to join with them if they give up racism and appear for all races. They are the Tamil elite of north. They manipulate Tamil chauvinism to grab power. As a community, Tamil elite did not suffer immensely.

They try to grab power through manipulation of Tamil people’s sufferings. We reject both Sinhala racist movements in south as well as Tamil racism in north. Rejecting racism is not taking the side of minority racism. In this country, there is a mentality that appearing for minority communities is progressive. We must reject both majority community racism as well as minority community racism.

Q.
Although you reject the Tamil elite in north, you ally with the Sinhala elite SLFP in south in 2004?

You are correct. But I explained to you what happened in 2004. We allied strategically. We may ally with TNA also strategically. But we cannot join with them for a social transformation. In 2010, we joined with them to promote Fonseka at the presidential election. The challenge ahead of us is uniting the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people for common struggle.

Q.
Does JVP hope to come to power?

Definitely, we have. We are optimistic. We give you a guarantee that we will come to power during our generation.

Q.
Are you the third force of this country?

No. We have never been the third force. We are the alternative force of this country. Third force concept is based on numerical order. Alternative concept is rejecting that numerical first, second and drawing the division accurately between them and us. We are the alternate.

Q.
Is the JVP more a revolutionary party?

Yes. We are a political movement that aims to change the society in a revolutionary way. Proposals like removing executive powers, appointing committees, reinstating the Prime Minister etc. are brought by reformists. Revolution is not mere armed struggle. Changing social ideology is also revolution.

Q.
Have you given up armed struggle?

We are in the view that armed struggle is no more valid in the world due to the technology, armaments and training the conventional armies have achieved. Changes in social elements also add to it. At this moment, armed struggle is not practical. Only people’s struggles are practical at this moment.

Q.
Do you agree to the idea that street agitations are the only solution to the situation?

No. We must manipulate all institutions like Parliament created by capitalism for this struggle. We must manipulate media institutes as well. Street is also part of struggle. We are everywhere.

Courtesy:Ceylon Today