By

Dilrukshi Handunnetti

There was not an iota of doubt that popular UNP Parliamentarian, Dayasiri Jayasekera, would get tired of an ongoing political duel with his Party Leader and eventually call it a day. Yesterday, he made public, his decision to move on and to move into the ruling coalition, offering charismatic leadership to the UPFA’s electoral campaign in the North-Western Province (NWP).

Few would doubt his capacity as a crowd puller, his ability to lead or to win. But the decision to part did not come easy to Jayasekera after nine years as a UNP Parliamentarian. He is established, has mass appeal and has the necessary political savvy. His mature years as a politician were indeed spent within the green camp, though his beginnings were essentially within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Though a troubled return, to that extent, Jayasekera is only returning home.

Few would disregard Jayasekera’s political potential and the years of hard work he put in, though a delusional few continuously undermined him. The last straw, after a string of humiliating experiences, was Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s decision to appoint his loyalist, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam as the UNP District Leader for Kurunegala. Besides, the Party Leader and his coterie have done everything conceivable to drive Jayasekera out. The politically sensible might wonder what drives the UNP Leader to drive his most attractive Party men and women from Sirikotha, by now, reduced to a political home for the aged. If it defies logic in common political practice, it makes perfect sense to Wickremesinghe, who now appears to have dedicated himself to the task of retaining his own position as Party Leader until the baton can be passed on to cousin, Ruwan Wijewardene.

Insecure leadership

Wickremesinghe over the years has proved beyond reasonable doubt, his inability to lead and certainly, to win. Having consciously not groomed a strong second-tier leadership, something his uncle J.R. Jayewardene did (which the Liberation Tigers largely wiped out), he has spent more time to initiate vengeful disciplinary inquiries to crush and control the dissenting voices within. From the start, despite a series of electoral failures, Wickremesinghe brooked no opposition and though calling the UNP a liberal political entity, refused to allow democracy within and prevented its evolution, unless it was in his own interest. It was self-interest that led him to tinker with the Party Constitution and extend his term as leader for six years – an amendment opposed by the reformists – as it took away the opportunity to elect a party leader on an annual basis, a tradition respected since the UN was founded by Rt. Hon. D.S. Senanayake.

Wickremesinghe on the contrary has proved himself a shrewd master in the game of political manipulation through a few loyalists. They have endorsed the undemocratic choice to stay on as Party Leader, despite strong public and Party opposition, and facilitated the amending of the constitution, contributing to a process of burying internal democracy. He proved short-tempered when it came to tolerating democratic dissent within and shut the doors firmly on the possibility of political evolution for the party.

As Jayasekera and his colleague Shiral Lakthilaka have consistently maintained, too insecure at the helm, the current leader did what no other UNP leader attempted before: tinker with the party constitution to consolidate his position in an arrogant refusal to democratically submit himself to an electoral process each year. Having surrounded himself with politicians of duplicitous nature or with a failed record, the incumbency acknowledges only those who will not voice disagreement. Those who dare question the current order – which is nothing less than an autocracy – have been subjected to a prolonged process of humiliation: They have been taken to Court, found fault with through ex-parte inquiries, removed from their posts and denied at times, time to speak in Parliament.

Its flagging reputation notwithstanding, the UNP does come up with interesting but non-credible theories every time their stalwarts cross the floor. The general allegation has been lack of financial integrity. Nobody can agree that all those who quit the UNP ranks had squeaky clean records and were driven by higher political ideals. Not so. Their own track records made them vulnerable and placed the government in a position of power where it could coerce some into extending support to the government to consolidate its position in Parliament. It is with their help that the UPFA has consolidated itself, secured a two-thirds majority in Parliament and made itself invincible.

If the UNP was looking for a novel approach or a winning strategy, it couldn’t have included driving out a popular MP like Jayasekera or the expulsion of some 15 members on the eve of fresh election announcement.

UNP Parliamentarians, Party loyalists and traditional UNP voters would undoubtedly become saddened by Jayasekera’s departure, creating a serious dent in the UNP, yet again. Lending support to his campaign, 48 Pradehsiya Sabha politicians are said to be crossing over to the government, the impact of which will be strongly felt by the UNP during the hustings.

Jayasekera shunned

There would be only a few who rejoice to see Jayasekera’s back turned, but deep within, even they would concede that the final loser would be the Party itself. Yet, the tragedy that is communicated by Jayasekera’s departure is not about a single disgruntled member’s decision to quit Parliament over strong differences with his political leadership. It is much more. It is about the UNP’s own lack of imagination, the failure of a leader now hell-bent on promoting nepotism and the absence of a winning formula and strong candidates, who can generate public confidence.

As for Jayasekera, it is the beginning of a new journey and a thorny one, given his own history as an arch critic of the current administration. An emotional former MP, addressing the media soon after resigning from his parliamentary seat said he had no wish to continue to squabble within the UNP and waste his time.

He, together with other reformists, has unsuccessfully attempted to alter the course of the UNP. Time and again, they have been accused of serving the government’s interest by openly critiquing the Party.

“I walk away finally, with happiness,” Jayasekera told the media, without his characteristic smile, without a glimpse of that happiness he said he was feeling within. Unlike others, who switched loyalties before him, he also took a different path. Instead of crossing over to be blessed with a ministerial portfolio, he has decided to seek a mandate to work in his own home base, this time, representing the UPFA.

Sadly for the UNP, Jayasekera’s departure is only a manifestation of its inner crisis, a crisis it refuses to address. In the process, it has only done one thing and that is to strengthen the current government by further consolidating its position as a single-party democracy.

As for winning elections, UNP’s herculean struggle, several ingredients are necessary: A winning candidate, proven leadership, a programme of action and a strong message. The UNP of the present day lacks all four.

As Jayasekera in his parting comments said, a constitutionally-elected dictator will not fit the job description. Until that is fixed, more Jayasekeras will walk through Mahinda Rajapaksa’s door.

COURTESY:CEYLON TODAY