By
Dilrukshi Handunnetti
Balachandran – Prabhakaran’s 12-year-old son
Progress reports often tend to have a feel-good effect – at least for those reporting on the so-called achieved progress. Hopefully, the Sri Lankan Government also has some sense of honest achievement. After all, we are now in Geneva to defend the country’s human rights record (yet again) and armed with a progress report.
On 26 February, just the day after the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) met in Geneva to commence its 22nd session, Sri Lanka’s Progress Report on the Implementation of the National Plan of Action (NAP) was widely circulated. NAP was drawn, ironically, to give expression to the 285 recommendations-filled, Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) Report, mandated to propose specific actions to achieve reconciliation.
The problem with Colombo is, its human rights record is far from satisfactory, irrespective of what the government and its sympathizers may say. Just like the civil society advocacy acts, these reports are also advocacy stunts, often aimed at convincing, at least the international community, more specifically the donor and human rights communities.
The government has for long, been dismissive of the human rights lobby as a pro-west and pro-LTTE front. It is an easy escape route, until you get to places like Geneva, where a self-respecting nation needs to at least appear democratic. Convincing the donor community is linked, because the West, for years, had linked human rights to financial aid.
The human rights lobby has raised several issues about Sri Lanka, the latest being the alleged execution of Prabhakaran’s 12-year-old son and civilian causality issue raised by the Channel 4 film series, titled The Killing Fields. Even if all the allegations are not true, there is the possibility that some are true, and some specifics charges may indeed be true. But we have volte-faced representatives who will do as they are told, unblinkingly rubbishing claims of excesses and beat their collective chests over ‘international conspiracies.’
To clear this isle’s name as a serious transgressor of human rights, a military tribunal was appointed which diligently and predictably cleared the military of the allegations the LLRC wanted investigated. The world may have problems with the overzealous campaigns and exaggerated accusations, but in truth, the government’s propaganda is equally exaggerated.
When the entire world is one voice about at least on the need to examine the possibility of atrocities committed by the Security Forces, an ‘in-house’ tribunal exonerates the men in uniform unreservedly and declares the war was fought with ‘zero civilian casualty.’ Really? Where? The world is yet to see one.
Some countries gathered in Geneva may not be very familiar with the Sri Lankan situation, but there are countries that are not totally unaware and those completely aware. In any case, it will be childish to expect the international community to wear complete blinkers. But that’s exactly what we seek– an international human rights community wearing blinkers.
Even the worst detractors of the LLRC would acknowledge it contains some hope and what it recommended – though falling short of expectations – would do this country good and do its sullied reputation some good. Instead, there is a National Plan of Action for the implementation of LLRC recommendations which in fact had sought to ‘review’ what is already recommended!
Four years after the war, it is necessary to help the war- displaced to return home and enjoy a normal life. For this, their homes and lands need to be returned. If not, be duly compensated. According to the military, there are no more High Security Zones (HSZs) only a few cantonments. This means, every inch of this country is now accessible – to all. There are no HSZs legally, but they physically exist.
They exist when people are not allowed to enter certain places and when land is acquired. There is a need for maintaining military bases, but if HSZs don’t officially exist, they physically also shouldn’t. They exist in Sampoor and in Palaly, for example. They exist in Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi, and that’s unofficial.
The Progress Report claims of HSZs that are 50% reduced in size. The local people want to know, why not by 100%? Despite claims of compensation being paid, there are many former IDPs whose homes and lands are still under military occupation.
People in Geneva might believe the right to movement is guaranteed. The Progress Report even provides statistics of visitor numbers. Yet, several local and foreign journalists could not visit the closed Menik Farm because the military denied access, overruling the Government Agent, with no explanation.
On paper, there had been severe downsizing of the troops on ground.
May be true. But they still decide on a lot of civilian matters. The public officials are but mere rubber stamps at times. Even the Jaffna Music Festival was replete with military presence. That’s the reality our NAP does not reflect. COURTESY:CEYLON TODAY