By

Justinian

Amartya Sen once noted, reportedly with a high degree of exasperation, that South Asia’s developmental obstacle was the region’s politicians. By this he meant, not all and sundry, but those who enjoy sufficient political clout to decide the course of a nation State.

Sen must have been exasperated by Indian politics whereas if he were to train his eye on Sri Lanka, he is much likely to conclude that this lot defies definition– meaning, one can’t even hold those at the helm of affairs responsible for the mess that we are in.

One may try convincing this war-drunk nation, euphoric even three years after the defeating of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that within and outside this tiny island are a discerning few who watch with caution and trepidation as Sri Lanka’s democratic values continue on a permanent slide.

As President Mahinda Rajapaksa completes his seventh year in office, it is timely to take into consideration the points that might make Sri Lanka much less than a miracle (certainly much less than the Miracle of Asia) and do so at the risk of being labelled ‘unpatriotic’.

This nation’s obsession with the war is phenomenal as is its fixation with the concept of gratitude, offered on a platter and exercised through the casting of one’s vote in blind faith. This has contributed to the incumbent’s political complacency and invincibility, making it very much a one-horse race. The hosanna singers will do well to remember that democracy functions meaningfully only with sufficient checks and balances.

This nation’s vocal minority appears to be pained by any attempts made to pinpoint the colossal political mistakes made by the administration in their politically- drugged status. Attempts to evaluate also would not mean that people are turning into ‘ungrateful citizens’ who have forgotten the days of violent conflict. It would mean instead, that there is engaged citizenry desirous of a new order. Post-war is ideal for such agenda-setting.

Anniversary

With President Mahinda Rajapaksa celebrating the seventh year in office, it is timely to submit, for the lack of a suitable word, a citizen’s simple assessment of the presidency. Clearly, top marks are cast for the conclusion of the war, for this country has bled for nearly 30 years due to the military engagements at great cost to the nation. It is the shiniest plume on this President’s cap.

Beyond the victory is many a connected issue. Then, take into consideration the process of the military conclusion and we are immediately faced with another issue.

Immediately, the good report card suffers with allegations of war crimes. All war-winning political and military leaders may have to live with such allegations, but it is important to remember that results are important only to the extent that the process is validated. The plume here is therefore a much paler shade.

The war crimes theory gains some credence given that countries that have experienced war have strategized to minimize human cost. Even if many rounds are won at international fora on the human rights issue, the executors of the Sri Lankan war cannot honestly claim that the winning strategies included strategies that minimized causalities. This has been the Sword of Damocles that has hung permanently and continues to ominously hang, even after the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in Geneva.

Take a second issue, post-war development in the North and the East. The island has clearly become a favourite among international tourism promoters with New York Times to Lonely Planet rating the island among the top destinations in 2013. Tourism’s boom is amply met with a high-speed infrastructure development drive which is necessary in order to draw tourists. Most of the tourism is now directed towards the North and East of Sri Lanka, the former war zones and natural curiosity about places hitherto inaccessible, is driving people in their hundreds in search of new adventures.

But development of the once-war ravaged areas cannot take place without sufficient investment in the civilian population. This means, the war-displaced have to be assisted to return and to pick up the pieces of their shattered lives. The government introduced an ambitious resettlement programme which was concluded three years after the war. Commendable speed indeed and even the United Nations have doffed its hat to Sri Lanka on that. Of course, some pertinent questions too have been raised thereafter.

Resettlement of displaced persons, some of them displaced on multiple occasions, cannot be some statistical project. These people cannot be mere numbers, for they were civilians who lived in their own homes with their own means of income.

Continuous review

Let’s admit, the final batch of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from the Menik Farm was resettled expeditiously- weeks before the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions commenced in Geneva. There had been delays in the resettlement programme, many an ambitious target has not been met; but three years is short enough and commendable enough by any standard.

Nobody needs an explanation for the haste in which the IDPS were removed from Menik Farm, reportedly under duress, and returned and relocated to shut the camp down on September 30.

Some of these IDPs have been relocated against their will, dashing all hopes of returning to their own homes. Their acres of agricultural and residential land are being currently acquired by the State, leaving them with small plots of 20-30 perches. It is not an issue about ‘being emotional’ about one’s land and property, as some government officials have claimed, but it is about their right to restitution. It is also linked to their identity.

For all the frenzied developmental activities going on in the former conflict areas, there is the imposition of the Sinhala identity. In areas where only Tamil was heard, there are more Sinhala-speaking military personnel and business persons than the average Tamil civilian.

The country’s language policy remains a thorny issue and soon after the war, there was public insistence by some hardheaded Sinhalese politicians that the national anthem should be sung only in Sinhala – to denote that this land indeed belongs to the Sinhalese. This call was politically endorsed in many different ways, subjugating the identity of the second largest ethnic community in Sri Lanka. It in anyway does not help resolve the national question which is political and certainly linked to the Tamil identity.

Here, very little has been done and much less achieved, despite the pontification. The Lessons Learnt Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) recommendations are a heartwarming blueprint yet, the achievements are yet to be experienced.

Public assessment

I would not even make attempt to evaluate other issues such as political interference, media freedom, law and order and so on; suffice to say, Sri Lanka has a fast growing suicide rate, we also are the world’s top consumers of alcohol, rated as one of the worst places for journalists to live in and our crime rate is again, in the top bracket.

For all the preaching and the visual signs of spirituality, we are a nation with its core values lost and our sense of justice at its lowest ebb. The President therefore, has a herculean task ahead of him. The efforts made so far, except in the conclusion of the war (process notwithstanding) makes Mahinda Rajapaksa’s invincibility somewhat of a stage-managed status.

The President should ideally prepare a work plan for him, and this is not to remove constitutional barriers that may prove politically inconvenient. It needs to be one that is designed to develop this nation, not just economically, but with our social values intact. There is a role, and an important one, for the squabbling opposition to keep the President on track. Likewise, there is a dire need for engaged citizenry. Where democracy flourishes, the opposition and the citizenry have indeed played their role. That periodic review should be a daily, weekly one. COURTESY:CEYLON TODAY