{"id":45994,"date":"2016-04-02T19:48:23","date_gmt":"2016-04-02T23:48:23","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/?p=45994"},"modified":"2016-04-02T19:50:50","modified_gmt":"2016-04-02T23:50:50","slug":"joint-opposition-on-the-offensive-demanding-lg-polls-puts-delaying-sirisena-govt-on-the-defensive","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/?p=45994","title":{"rendered":"Joint Opposition on the Offensive Demanding LG Polls Puts “Delaying” Sirisena Govt on the Defensive"},"content":{"rendered":"

By<\/p>\n

C.A.Chandraprema<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Joint Opposition launched a signature campaign last week demanding that the local government election which had been postponed Since March 2015 be held. With this we saw the government explaining that they can\u2019t hold the LG election just yet until the delimitation of the wards has been completed.<\/p>\n

The Chairman of the Elections Commission also came on TV to explain that their hands are tied because the delimitation of the wards was not complete. <\/p>\n

The Minister of Local Government Faizer Mustapha came on TV to assure the public that the delimitation will be over by August and the Elections Commissioner said that they need two and a half months to hold the election after the delimitation is complete. <\/p>\n

If the government sticks to these timeframes, we may have the LG elections at the end of this year or early next year. <\/p>\n

In any event this is the first time since 1975 that the government has been dodging an election though games of staggering Provincial Council elections instead of having them all on the same day have been played.<\/p>\n

Nearly three decades ago, in 1987 when the present Pradeshiya Sabha system was first introduced, the boot was on the other foot. The UNP government of the day wanted to hold the local government election but the opposition parties including the SLFP, SLMP, MEP, CP, and NSSP wanted to boycott the LG elections held that year on the grounds that their participation in the local government election would give the government an opportunity to legitimize their rule in the context where the UNP government had extended the life of the 1977 parliament through a referendum. <\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

The LSSP alone wanted to contest that election on the grounds that this was a good opportunity to organize opposition to the UNP government. As this controversy raged among the opposition parties, this writer interviewed Vijaya Kumaratunga, K.P.Silva, Colvin R. de Silva and Vasudeva Nanayakkara on the positions they had taken on the 1987 LG election.<\/p>\n

Ultimately that LG election of 1987 was never held as it was overtaken by the events relating to the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord of July that year. There is a very great likelihood that the present LG elections may also be overtaken by events that are slowly but surely coming to a head in the political and economic fronts. As in the case of the 1987 LG election, there is a looming trade related pact with India which is causing unease throughout the country.<\/p>\n

The government\u2019s decision not to heed the calls being made by the professional and business groups indicates that things are heading towards a confrontation. The Indo-Lanka Peace Accord imposed certain political requirements on the Sri Lankan state, but it did not endanger the personal interests and the very livelihoods of the Sri Lankan people. But as is being argued by some professional groups, the proposed Economic and Technological Cooperation Agreement does, and a mighty confrontation is gathering momentum. <\/p>\n

Just last week, the Prime Minister was reiterating his defiance saying that he was not prepared to talk to a \u2018Brahminical caste\u2019 who think the government should be talking to them and that he would present the draft of the ETCA with India to parliament. However professional groups see this as a way of using the votes of captive legislators to pass ETCA against resistance by professional and business groups.<\/p>\n

An advantage that Banda never had<\/strong><\/p>\n

If the confrontation between the professional and business groups does not derail the LG elections, there are several other issues that can be just as disruptive. Foremost among these factors is the reluctance of the Sirisena faction of the SLFP to face an election and risk a poor showing as against the Rajapaksa faction. Usually breakaway groups from political parties would be able to take only a segment of the party\u2019s support base with it. This time however, the Rajapaksa faction of the SLFP happens to have the advantage of having a virtual monopoly of the opposition space except for the marginal and ambivalent presence of the JVP. <\/p>\n

This is an advantage that even S.W.R.D Bandaranaike did not have when he was in the opposition between the general elections of 1952 and 1956. While the newly formed SLFP did become the second biggest party at the 1952 elections with over 361,000 votes, the LSSP came a close second with over 305,000 votes. Besides, both the SLFP and LSSP had nine seats in parliament each.<\/p>\n

As the gap between the LSSP and the SLFP was narrow there was no real certainty that the SLFP would obtain enough of a lead at the next elections to be able to form the next government in 1956. However the gap between the Rajapaksa faction and the JVP in the present parliament is very clear \u2013 not just in the relative number of seats but also in the results of the last election.<\/p>\n

There is no doubt that the opposition space is dominated by the Rajapaksa faction which would be a cause for anxiety among the Sirisena faction. If the Sirisena faction is seriously undermined at an LG election, that will undermine the UNP as well because they derive their power from Sirisena.<\/p>\n

Apart from these anxieties on the part of the Sirisena faction, there could be still other factors that could derail the elections. One is the distinct possibility of widespread industrial unrest at the government\u2019s plans to privatize state owned enterprises. This privatization is not just a matter of ideology and policy but a revenue necessity as a good part of the revenue that the government had anticipated for this year was to come from privatization proceeds.<\/p>\n

Added to that could be more street protests and the like when the new taxation measures become effective. Though the Prime Minister announced increases in VAT and the introduction of a capital gains tax, it is unlikely that any changes in the tax structure would be made before the Sinhala and Tamil New Year as that would give the opposition a major talking point. But when the tax increases come after the New Year, it will no doubt cause resentment.<\/p>\n

That is not all, parliament is supposed to sit this week as a committee of the whole house to recommence the stalled constitutional reform process. The President has been talking of the need to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people and the Prime Minister has been talking of the need to devolve power and USAID sponsored workshops are being held on the subject of constitution-making.<\/p>\n

If the government sticks to the election pledges they gave to abolish the executive presidency and to bring about electoral reform, the process of constitutional reform will undoubtedly generate public support and may be one way for the government to restore its flagging popularity.<\/p>\n

However that does not seem to be the direction in which things are heading. So there are multiple crises in gestation which may overtake the long overdue LG elections that the Mahinda faction is agitating for.<\/p>\n

COURTESY:SUNDAY ISLAND<\/em><\/p>\n

Tweet<\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By C.A.Chandraprema The Joint Opposition launched a signature campaign last week demanding that the local government election which had been postponed Since March 2015 be held. With this we saw the government explaining that they can\u2019t hold the LG election just yet until the delimitation of the wards has been completed. The Chairman of the …<\/p>\n

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