{"id":42744,"date":"2015-08-18T19:34:02","date_gmt":"2015-08-18T23:34:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/?p=42744"},"modified":"2015-08-18T19:34:02","modified_gmt":"2015-08-18T23:34:02","slug":"susil-premajayantha-and-wishwa-warnapala-will-submit-separate-national-list-mp-nominees-to-elections-commissioner","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/?p=42744","title":{"rendered":"Susil Premajayantha and Wishwa Warnapala will Submit Separate National List MP Nominees to Elections Commissioner"},"content":{"rendered":"

By<\/p>\n

Rasika Jayakody<\/strong><\/p>\n

There was a time when the UNP, the grand old party in the country\u2019s political sphere, doubted its ability to win national level elections. The UPFA, led by the Rajapaksa family, seemed almost invincible and was fully backed by the state apparatus when it came to elections. Elections were conducted on a staggered basis to allow the ruling party to exploit state power and resources without any restriction. At the same time, a sizable proportion of MPs, who were elected to Parliament on the UNP ticket, had aligned themselves with the ruling party, accepting ministerial portfolios and various other perks.<\/p>\n

It was at this point that Harin Fernando, a young and dynamic Parliamentarian of the UNP, stepped out of Parliament to be the Chief Ministerial candidate of the UNP for the Uva Provincial Council election in September, last year. Everyone knew that Fernando was heading for a \u201closing battle\u201d as his b\u00eate noire was Shashindra Rajapaksa, the sitting Chief Minister and nephew of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The 34 year old Parliamentarian sacrificed his seat in Parliament to strengthen the party\u2019s campaign for the Uva provincial Council election.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Fernando\u2019s decision was the key factor that reversed the fortune of the UNP. His entry into the electoral dray boosted the feel good factor of the UNP supporters who remained \u201cunderdogs\u201d for nearly 10 years after the party\u2019s defeat in 2004. During the election campaign, the Chief Ministerial candidate of the UNP was able to create a force to reckoned with and at one point it seemed as if the UNP going to turn the tables on the ruling party. Although Fernando failed to win the Provincial Council election, he gave rise to a pro-UNP tide in the Uva Province, instilling confidence among the party\u2019s supporters and activists at the grassroots level. After so many years, the UNP actually thought it was in a position to challenge Rajapaksa\u2019s strong government which commanded a two third majority in Parliament.<\/p>\n

UNP’s strategic move<\/strong><\/p>\n

It was against this backdrop that former President Mahinda Rajapaka declared a premature Presidential election seeking a third term in office. In the face of this development, the UNP made a strategic move to field a common candidate who could draw the support of all political parties of the opposition. Maithripala Sirisena, the SLFP General Secretary at that time, was the unanimous choice of all parties and the UNP strongly backed his candidacy. On January 08, Maithripala Sirisena ascended to power with 6.2 million votes and that was a clear indication that the UNP, after a long hiatus, was back on the \u2018winning path\u2019.<\/p>\n

The UNP\u2019s party machinery was in full swing after the Presidential election and it was clearly demonstrated in its mammoth May Day rally, attended by hundreds and thousands of supporters. The rally, which took place nearly four months after the Presidential election victory, was second only to the victorious May Day rally held by J.R. Jayewardene before the election in 1977, at Galle Face. The confidence which came with the May Day rally prompted the UNP to go for a Parliamentary election as early as possible. However, other stakeholders of the coalition wanted to buy more time as there were preoccupied with constitutional amendments concerning electoral reforms and intra-party power struggles. However, when President Maithripala Sirisena announced Parliamentary election on June 26, the UNP had positioned itself as the \u2018front-runner\u2019 in the electoral race.<\/p>\n

On the other hand, the UPFA and its most important candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa had to grapple with some serious issues. It was the first national level election campaign Mahinda Rajapaksa led while being in the opposition. Although Rajapaksa became the Prime Minister in 2004, the election campaign was led by former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and other stalwarts of the SLFP. When Rajapaksa led his Presidential election campaign in 2005, he was the Prime Minister of the country and he was backed \u2013 to a certain extent \u2013 by the state apparatus although he did not have wholehearted support from the SLFP. However, had the LTTE not intervened in the election at the last moment, Rajapaksa would have lost the Presidential election in 2005 by approximately 300,000 votes.<\/p>\n

When he led Presidential and Parliamentary elections in 2010, he fully exploited state resources, state media and the state machinery, tilting the playing field against the opposition. Law enforcement authorities were not in a position to take action against infringements on election laws and observations of election monitors were not taken into consideration. This negative trend reached new heights when Rajapaksa contested for a third term in early 2015. There were serious allegations that his campaign managers siphoned off money from state institutions to fund his election campaign.
\nHis overall election plan was fully dependent on the state apparatus and the former President thought it would e advantageous to his campaign. There were numerous complaints that state sector workers of various scales were used for electioneering and the UPFA\u2019s grassroots level activists got accustomed to this situation.<\/p>\n

However, after he lost Presidency in January, this year, Rajapaksa was no longer able to cash in on the state machinery. Therefore, he had difficulties in reaching out to grassroots level voters who can be enticed with gifts and donations. On the other hand, the former President\u2019s campaign managers were not in a position to spend money lavishly as they were under investigation for bribery and corruption allegations.<\/p>\n

Rajapaksa\u2019s \u2018Reliance\u2019 on state apparatus made a debilitating impact on the UPFA when it had to carry out the Parliamentary election campaign while being in the opposition. They had to deal with a serious \u201chuman capital issue\u201d when it came to ground level propaganda activities such as house to house campaigning. As a result, the UPFA lost some of its strongholds as Matale and Kegalle districts at the Parliamentary election on Monday.<\/p>\n

The former President too was aware of the issues he faced in the run up to the Parliamentary election. In a personal conversation with a journalist on the sidelines of his last press conference at JAIC Hilton, the former President confessed that the campaign was not \u201cpicking up\u201d. It was an indication that the former President was not happy with the way the campaign was carried out during the last stages.<\/p>\n

UPFA heading for post-election crisis<\/strong><\/p>\n

Election observers and political analysts, from the outset, predicted that neither of the mainstream parties would get absolute majority in Parliament. The UNP, which emerged victorious at the election, had to settle with 106 seats while the UPFA managed to obtain 95. The JVP, which looked like a formidable third force before the election, could secure only four seats without national list slots. The TNA retained their Parliamentary sharing while securing a bigger bargaining power in the House.
\nHowever, the TNA\u2019s bargaining power will depend on the number of UPFA MPs joining the government. The President and the UNP have already arrived at an agreement to form a national government after the election and under that agreement several ministerial portfolios will be offered to UPFA MPs.
\nOne has every reason to assume that the UPFA will have to deal with serious issues when nominating members for the National List. President Sirisena, in his capacity as the SLFP Chairman, has already sacked General Secretaries of the UPFA and the SLFP while removing 13 members from the party\u2019s Central Committee. <\/p>\n

However, the Elections Commissioner is yet to recognize the newly appointed General Secretaries of the parties and as a result, there will be a confusion of some sort when it comes to National List appointments. <\/p>\n

Party sources told the Daily News on Tuesday that both Susil Premajayantha and Vishwa Warnapala will present national lists to the Elections Commissioner and the Commissioner will have to select only one list. Premajayantha list will be a pro-Rajapaksa national list and Warnapala\u2019s list will accommodate supporters of President Maithripala Sirisena.<\/p>\n

When asked about this confusion at the press conference held at the Elections Department on Monday, the Elections Commissioner said he would not make any \u2018hasty comments\u201d about the matter. The Elections Commissioner\u2019s opinion, whatever that may be, will make a significant impact on the internal power struggle within the UPFA.<\/p>\n

There are speculations that the SLFP will pull out of the UPFA, leaving other constituent parties of the coalition as stand-alone entities in Parliament. President Sirisena, sending a letter to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa last week, accused his predecessor of being a prisoner of minor parties of the UPFA. <\/p>\n

Preferential votes results in some districts, added credence to the President\u2019s allegations as members fielded by Wimal Weerawansa\u2019s National Freedom Front had topped UPFA lists, surpassing candidates fielded by the SLFP. Among them are Niroshan Premaratne (Matara) Udaya Shantha Gunasekera (Moneragala) Jayanatha Samaraweera (Kalutara) and Veerakumara Dissanayake (Anuradhapura).<\/p>\n

Party sources told the Daily News on Tuesday that the President might make a move to distance the SLFP from the UPFA, in a bid to reverse this \u201cnegative\u201d trend. A party spokesman said the order to remove the UPFA elections operations office from the SLFP headquarters was a string indication in this regard.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, election results on Tuesday indicated that a considerable number of ex-UPFA Parliamentarians had failed to secure their seats. The large majority of them, needless to say, were open supporters of President Maithripala Sirisena. Political sources said SLFP stalwarts such as Piyasena Gamage, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena, S.B. Dissanayake, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Rohana Dissanayake, Nirupama Rajapaksa, Jagath Pushpakumara, Lakshman Seneviratne, Sarath Weerasekera, Uditha Lokubandara, Chandrasiri Suriyarachchi and Jayarathne Herath failed to retain their seats. <\/p>\n

Some say their defeat was a direct result of the internal \u201chate-campaign\u201d within the party against supporters of President Maithripala Sirisena. However, against this backdrop, Duminda Dissanayake, a key ally of President Maithripala Sirisena when he challenged Rajapaksa\u2019s presidency in January, this year, has managed to secure his seat in Parliament.<\/p>\n

When it comes to island wide results, it was clear that there was a serious erosion in the voter-base of the UPFA when compared to results of the last Presidential election. There was a widely held belief among a section of the UPFA that former President Rajapaksa\u2019s entry into the electoral fray would increase the voter-base of the UPFA. <\/p>\n

However, it was crystal clear that Rajapaksa\u2019s presence had actually made a negative impact on the party with ethnic and religious minorities moving away from the UPFA. This was exactly what President Sirisena said when he sent a letter to former President Rajapaksa last Thursday.<\/p>\n

Although the UNP showed a remarkable progress on Monday’s election when compared to 2010, it lost all three districts in the Southern Province. The Galle District however was one of the UPFA’s strongholds and the UNP seniors were aware that it was not easy to defeat the UPFA in the Galle district. However, there were hopes that the UNP would be able to win Hambanthota and Matara districts as there was a healthy support for the UNP in the two districts during the election campaign. The results released on Tuesday indicated that the \u201cground support\u201d for the UNP had not translated into votes for some reason.
\nWhen asked about the matter, a senior Politician of the party said the battle in the Southern Province was tough as the Rajapaksas too hailed from the same area.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere are territorial leanings in their line of thinking. Although the Rajapaksas hail from the Hambanthota district, voters in other districts too support them on the grounds that they are from the south. This natural tendency has to be taken into serious consideration when analysing our defeat in the South,\u201d he explained.<\/p>\n

Strength to the UNP camp<\/strong><\/p>\n

However, the individual results obtained by Buddhika Pathirana, Mangala Samaraweera and Sagala Ratnayake in the Matara district came as a strength to the UNP camp. Mangala Samaraweera was elected to Parliament from the Matara District for the seventh time since 1989 and his seat, the Matara polling division, was one of two polling divisions the United National Party secured in the Southern Province. It was also the sole polling division where the UNP prevailed in the Matara district.<\/p>\n

Mangala Samaraweera also nearly doubled his preference vote count from 59, 836 in the 2010 election to 96, 092. Sagala Ratnayaka too obtained over 85,000 votes, becoming the third in the district. Buddhika Pathirana managed to top the Matara District preferential votes list this year.<\/p>\n

Before the election, there was a lot of hype about the campaign in Hambanthota as there was great crowd support for rallies held by Sajith Premasasa. In fact, Premadasa managed to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa in the Hambantota district during 2001 Parliamentary election by securing four seats from the district. Many expected the same result as the UPFA’s campaign in Hambantota looked weak.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt is unfair to compare the present situation with 2001. In 2001, Mahinda Rajapaksa was an ordinary Minister served under President Kumaratunga’s government. But, in 2015, he came to the race as the war winning President who held the office for 10 years. During his tenure, he launched large scale projects in the Hambantota district and carried out various development programmes.<\/p>\n

On the other hand, the people became more passionate towards him as he was the only head of state from their hometown. So, the conditions were tougher for the UNP at this election. However, Premadasa gave a good fight as the UPFA was not able to secure a resounding majority from any of the seats in Hambanthota. That itself is a victory for the UNP,\u201d a political observer said.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, the UPFA\u2019s election campaign in the Kurunegala District, led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, ended as a failure of some sort with the UPFA securing only one seat more than the UNP. The UPFA managed to get 474124 votes with a percentage of 49.26% while the UNP obtained 441275 votes securing a percentage of 45.85%. The UPFA won 8 eights from Kurunagala vis-\u00e0-vis the 7 seats obtained by the UNP. When the former President decided to contest from Kurunegala, many were under the impression that the UPFA might be able to win the district with a landslide. The election result of Kurunegala falsified such claims.<\/p>\n


\nJVP results a major disappointment<\/strong><\/p>\n

The final result obtained by the JVP came as a shock to many as the JVP positioned itself as a formidable third force throughout the election campaign. There were widespread speculations that the party would get at least 15 seats in the new Parliament. However, as results closed on Tuesday evening, the JVP managed to only 6 seats with two national list slots. Although there was an increase in their voter-base in urban areas, it was quite clear that their message had not reached the grassroots level.
\nOn the other hand, the JVP, over the past few months, positioned itself as a political organization that is appealing to the urban middle class. Seniors of the party spoke highly of educational qualifications of the party\u2019s front-line members and positioned themselves as \u201cwatchdogs\u2019 of the legislature. It is now clear that the JVP, while attracting the urban middle class, has alienated the grassroots level, the traditional stronghold of the JVP.<\/p>\n

There is another school of thought claiming that the JVP\u2019s propaganda against the previous regime and the Rajapaksa family actually played into the hands of the UNP. The UNP and the JVP were almost on the same page when it came to their campaigns against the former regime. There were also doubts whether the propaganda campaign carried out by former JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe, over the past few months, made a negative impact on the party, especially at the village level. <\/p>\n

Courtesy:Daily News<\/em><\/p>\n

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By Rasika Jayakody There was a time when the UNP, the grand old party in the country\u2019s political sphere, doubted its ability to win national level elections. The UPFA, led by the Rajapaksa family, seemed almost invincible and was fully backed by the state apparatus when it came to elections. Elections were conducted on a …<\/p>\n

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