{"id":39632,"date":"2015-03-17T18:48:10","date_gmt":"2015-03-17T22:48:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/?p=39632"},"modified":"2015-03-17T22:10:33","modified_gmt":"2015-03-18T02:10:33","slug":"president-sirisena-though-slfp-chairman-does-not-have-full-control-over-central-committee-or-executive-committee-of-the-party","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/?p=39632","title":{"rendered":"President Sirisena Though SLFP Chairman Does not have full Control over Central Committee or Executive Committee of the Party."},"content":{"rendered":"


\nBy<\/p>\n

Rasika Jayakody <\/strong><\/p>\n

Political analyst Kusal Perera, who was a close confidant of Mahinda Rajapaksa during the early 90s, draws parallels between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party now and the SLFP in 1991.<\/p>\n

\"President<\/a>

President Maithripala Sirisena<\/p><\/div>\n

\u201cParty Leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike, due to failing health, was not in a position to actively engage in political activities of the party. Bandaranaike, though she was the party leader, was not in total control over the Central Committee of the SLFP and her son, Anura Bandaranaike, was appointed as the National Organizer of the party and as the Opposition Leader in Parliament. Anura Bandaranaike too did not have total control over the Parliamentary group of the SLFP with one group attempting to promote Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga as the future leader of the appoint.<\/p>\n

However, after Indrapala Abeyweera was killed by the JVP, Mahinda Rajapaksa, a Parliamentarian from the South, was appointed as an Assistant Secretary of the party. Knowing he could not deliver much with the Assistant Secretary post, Rajapaksa, developed a strong support base at the village level, outside the party hierarchy. This village level support was a key characteristic in Mahinda Rajapaksa’s politics,\u201d Perera explained in an interview with a vernacular newspaper last weekend.<\/p>\n

In fact, it was this strong grassroots level support base that elevated him to the positions of Opposition Leader, Prime Minister and President subsequently, especially when certain seniors of the party were blocking his way.<\/p>\n

Similarly, today, President Maithripala Sirisena, who is also the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, does not have \u201cfull control\u201d over the Central Committee or the Executive Committee of the party. Opposition Leader Nimal Siripala de Silva has still not received support from all the members of the Parliamentary group of the UPFA. <\/p>\n

A group of Parliamentarians and Central Committee members of the party are on a feverish mission to promote Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Ministerial Candidate of the party. However, unlike CBK in the early 90s, Rajapaksa has been rejected by the majority of Sri Lankan voters at the Presidential election which was held on January 08, this year. It is clear that in the present context the former President is not as marketable as CBK in the early 90s, as a fresh political icon.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n


\nSLFP old guard says MR should not vie for PM post<\/strong><\/p>\n

The United People\u2019s Freedom Alliance made a major move last week by appointing President Maithripala Sirisena as the head of the UPFA Alliance. In addition to President Sirisena, Parliamentarian Janaka Bandara Tennakoon was appointed as the new National Organizer of the party. The National Organizer post of the party, under the previous administration, was held by Basil Rajapaksa, the all-powerful Economic Development Minister of the Rajapaksa regime. Tennakoon was among the first group of SLFP Central Committee members who aligned themselves with President Sirisena soon after the latter\u2019s ascension to Presidency.<\/p>\n

His appointment as the new National Oganizer of the party is a clear indication that the administrative powers of the UPFA, which were previously concentrated in the hands of the Rajapaksas, are now being shared among the old guard of the party. When the UPFA was in power, the old guard of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, who were instrumental in engineering the regime change in 1994, was pushed towards the peripheries to make way for new entrants who parachuted from outside. That was a major reason for Rajapaksa\u2019s defeat at the last presidential election.<\/p>\n

\u201cLet bygones be by gone. My primary intention is to bring our party back to power,\u201d Tennakoon, who spoke to the Daily News soon after his new appointment, said.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere is some discussion about forming a national government and some are talking about forming a government alone. Regardless of the modus operandi, we should now be focused on the final outcome,\u201d he also added.<\/p>\n

When asked whether former President Rajapaksa stood a chance of becoming the Prime Ministerial candidate again, Tennakoon said it was up to the party to decide.<\/p>\n

\u201cBut, I personally think former President Rajapaksa should remain as a national leader without trying to contest elections with any party. He should be a guiding light to us while preserving the public respect he has as the leader who won the war,\u201d Tennakoon said, echoing the sentiments of the old guard of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. He also added that the UPFA, as a coalition, will contest the forthcoming Parliamentary election with the support of several other constituent parties.<\/p>\n

When the President convened the party leaders meeting of the UPFA last Saturday, National Freedom Front Leader Wimal Weerawansa and Pivithuru Hela Urumaya Leader Udaya Gammanpila was not present at the meeting which was held at the Sri Lanka Foundation institute. The National Organizer of the United People’s Freedom Alliance said they were not invited for the meeting on the grounds that they were not constituent parties of the UPFA. \u201cAt certain points, they contested elections under the UPFA ticket. But, they were not members of the UPFA,\u201d Tennakoon explained. However, Mahajana Eksath Peramuna Leader Dinesh Gunawardena who played an important role in the \u201cBring Back Mahinda\u201d campaign was present at the UPFA party leaders\u2019 meeting.<\/p>\n

JHU may join UPFA with strict conditions<\/strong><\/p>\n

Meanwhile, Tennakoon also said that the UPFA was keen on getting the support of parties like the Jathika Hela Urumaya ahead of the Parliamentary election. Although the JHU had only two seats in the House, it was a formidable force at the recently held Presidential election. They were the first political party to walk out of the previous government and extend its support to the common opposition alliance. Therefore, the JHU’s support would be of some value to the UPFA where the election is concerned.<\/p>\n

There is a possibility that the JHU will enter into an agreement with the UPFA to contest the Parliamentary election. However, the JHU will join with a set of strict conditions with regard to bribery and corruption. They will impose a condition on the UPFA to prevent the coalition from giving nomination to those who were involved in bribery and corruption under the previous regime. A condition of that nature will prevent close supporters of the Rajapaksas from contesting the upcoming election under the UPFA ticket.<\/p>\n

When asked about the matter, a senior spokesperson of the JHU told the Daily News that the party has still not made a final decision on the manner in which they want to contest the General election. \u201cThere are several options for us. We will only make a final decision after carefully examining all the options,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

By becoming the new Chairman of the UPFA, President Maithripala Sirisena, who also represents the old guard of the SLFP, further consolidated his power within the UPFA camp. As the new leader of the coalition, he will have decision making powers on candidates who will contest the forthcoming Parliamentary election under the UPFA ticket. At the same time, he will play a crucial role when deciding the Prime Ministerial Candidate of the UPFA. President Sirisena’s appointment is certainly a disappointment for those who want to promote former President Rajapaksa as the Prime Ministerial Candidate of the coalition.<\/p>\n

In fact, during an interview with BBC Sandeshaya, President Sirisena, who was in London last week, expressed his sentiments on Rajapaksa’s Prime Ministerial candidature when he commented on the kind of \u201cdemocracy\u201d practised by the previous rulers.<\/p>\n

\u201cHad I lost the election, my entire family would have been in jail. That is the kind of democracy practised by Mahinda Rajapaksa. I know that very well. They talk about democracy. Had I lost the election, so many people would have been kicked out of their jobs; So many people would have lost their limbs. They had plans to jail my entire family, if I lost the election,\u201d the President said.<\/p>\n

\u201cNo one asked me to make Rajapaksa the Prime Ministerial candidate of the party. If and when a proposal comes to me, I will give the necessary answer,\u201d President Sirisena further added.<\/p>\n

MR\u2019s warning to Maithri<\/strong><\/p>\n

However, former President Rajapaksa had a busy week as he took part in a number of religious activities across the country. After visiting the Rajamaha Vihara at Mihintale, in Anuradhapura, he also visited former Minister S.M. Chandrasena’s house where he was greeted by a group of Rajapaksa supporters. While speaking to his supporters who gathered at MP Chandrasena’s residence, he gave a warning to President Sirisena who now has the backing of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party.
\n\u201cThose who attacked Maithripala Sirisena when I was the President are now seen rallying around him. President Sirisena should be mindful of his new friends,\u201d Rajapaksa said. Today, the former President is only surrounded by those who find it difficult to survive in a Rajapaksa-less Sri Lanka Freedom Party.<\/p>\n

A few days after his visit to Mihintale, he also took part in religious activities at Kiri Wehera in Kataragama where he was accompanied by Bandula Gunawardena, Gamini Lokuge, Udith Lokubandara, Namal Rajapaksa and Samanmalee Sakalasooriya. <\/p>\n

Former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who is now in the middle of a serious controversy involving Avant Garde private security firm also attended the ceremony. From the developments on the ground, it is clear that the former President and his supporters are doing \u201cspade -work\u201d to form a third political force that will split the vote base of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. As they calculate, this \u201cthird force\u201d can pre-empt two major reactions from the SLFP.<\/p>\n

1<\/strong>.The pro-Rajapaksa group believes that the fear of a possible split will compel the party to accommodate Mahinda Rajapaksa at the next election. They are of the belief that if he gets nomination from the SLFP and makes inroads into Parliament, he will stand a chance of becoming the Prime Minister again.<\/p>\n

2.<\/strong> As an alternative measure, they think they can split the vote-base of the SLFP and become the main opposition in Parliament after the next election, with Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Leader of the opposition. That, according to them, will bring Mahinda Rajapaksa one step closer to the post of Prime Minister.<\/p>\n

What they fail to understand is the fact that the Sri Lanka Freedom Party is a political party with a robust and island wide election machinery. The pro-Rajapaksa campaign is merely based on the individual popularity of Mahinda Rajapaksa who lost a presidential election two months ago. It is a serious miscalculation to believe that a movement of that nature can turn the Sri Lanka Freedom Party into the third political party in Parliament.<\/p>\n

The pro-Rajapaksa campaign can also learn a lesson from the Democratic United National Front (DUNF), which was formed by a group of UNP dissidents, led by Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali in 1990. Dissanayake and Athulathmiudali had to leave the Premadasa government following the failed impeachment attempt against Premadasa and they were immensely popular ministers by the time they left the government. They were also supported by several Parliamentarians and provincial level politicians such as G.M. Premachandra and Samaraweera Weerawanni, who were fed up with the state of affairs in the country under the Premadasa administration.<\/p>\n

Although they formed a popular and vibrant political movement, the DUNF was not in a position to challenge the UNP or the SLFP, the two mainstream political parties which had robust island wide party machineries.<\/p>\n


\nNeville Samarakoon\u2019s lesson to three-member inquiry panel<\/strong><\/p>\n

The new government faced its first major challenge on the front of bribery and corruption when Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran came under criticism from various parties over the Treasury bonds issue. The controversy made headlines in the media over the past few days and multiple parties demanded the resignation of the Central Bank Governor over the incident. Although the Central Bank Governor has not resigned from the position so far, there is a possibility that he may go on leave until the conclusion of the ongoing investigation. The investigation is handled by a three member team which is expected to give its first report during the first week of April.<\/p>\n

Gamini Pitipana, Mahesh Kalugampitiya and Chamndimal Mendis serve as the members of the inquiry panel and the opposition has already dubbed them as \u201cUNP lawyers.\u201d Be that as it may, all three lawyers have solid track records where their legal careers are concerned. Gamini Pitipana, who is the Chairman of the inquiry panel, is a senior with 27 years of experience in the bar. He also has some background in the field of business administration as he has taken part in the administration of several companies with foreign collaboration. Mahesh Kalugampitiya is a lawyer with 23 years of experience in the legal profession as a criminal lawyer. Chandimal Mendis, the third member of the panel, also has over 18 years of experience in the bar. He, as a lawyer, also assisted former Finance Minister the late K N Choksy regarding the Parliamentary Consultative Meetings.<\/p>\n

Irrespective of their political and personal affiliations, the three members who have been appointed to the panel can still hold a fair and independent inquiry into the incident while establishing their credibility as senior lawyers. One should be open minded about the panel until they come up with their first report in April – which will be tabled to the Parliament by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe who is also the Minister of Policy Planning and Economic Affairs.<\/p>\n

Similar concerns were raised by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, which was in the opposition in 1977, when former President J.R. Jayawardene appointed Neville Samarakoon as the Chief Justice. The move drew severe criticism from the opposition as they dubbed Neville Samarakoon as the \u201cpersonal lawyer\u201d of President Jayawardena. After he assumed office, Samarakoon demonstrated that his political or personal affiliations had nothing to do with his professional engagements. At one point, Samarakoon, who was criticized by many as a UNP loyalist, challenged an attempt made by the former President to \u201ccircumvent\u201d the country’s constitution.<\/p>\n

It all began when Abeyrathne Pilapitiya, MP for Kalawana, lost his position as the result of an election petition filed against his Parliamentary seat. Following this development, a By-election had to be held in terms of Article 161 (b) (i) of the Constitution and Sarath Muttetuwegama of the Communist Party became a Member of Parliament as the duly elected MP for the Kalawana seat.<\/p>\n

In an interesting turn of events, On January 15th 1981, Abeyratne Pilapitiya resigned as the Member of Parliament for Kalawana. He held that seat not because he had been elected in 1977, but because he had been nominated to fill the vacancy caused by his losing the seat after he was absent from Parliament without leave for three months. He had absented himself deliberately, as he was about to be disqualified by the Courts after the hearing of an election petition.<\/p>\n

With this development, there were two MPs for Kalawana electorate. One was Sarath Muttetuwegama who won the by-election and became the MP of the seat. The other one was Abeyrathne Pilapitiya, who was re-appointed to Parliament by the President to fill his own vacancy. This situation required a Constitutional Amendment, the Third proposed by the Jayewardene government, to allow the Kalawana seat to have two Members.<\/p>\n

At this point, the Supreme Court, headed by Neville Samarakoon, put a damper on President Jayewardena’s plans. The Supreme Court ruled that the third amendment to the constitution required not just a two-thirds majority in Parliament, but also a Referendum, since it affected the franchise.<\/p>\n

Jayawardena was saved by the then Secretary General of Parliament, who had not been consulted when the then Speaker created the \u201cSecond\u201d Pilapitiya who was re-appointed to Parliament by the President to fill his own vacancy.<\/p>\n

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha recalls the subsequent developments as follows,<\/p>\n

\u201cFinally called on to advise, a procedure the Jayewardene government had avoided given his understanding of Parliamentary practice, the Secretary General suggested MP Pilapitiya resign. He was reminded that would result in a vacancy, and that \u2018the Secretary-General of Parliament shall forthwith inform the Commissioner of Elections of such vacancy\u2019, whereupon there would have to be yet another nomination. His response was that, in reading that section of the Constitution, the stress should be not on \u2018shall\u2019, but on the word \u2018vacancy\u2019. His view was that, if the Second Mr Pilapitiya took himself away, there would be no hole created, since he was in any case a figment of the Speaker\u2019s imagination.<\/p>\n

Jayewardene wondered what would happen if that view were to be challenged in the Courts. The answer was that was a risk worth running, the Secretary-General\u2019s only stipulation being that he should defend himself in the Courts, with the Attorney-General\u2019s Department not being allowed anywhere near.\u201d
\nFormer President Jayewardene, who was also a brilliant lawyer, thereupon accepted defeat with good grace.
\nThis sets good precedence for the committee to establish their credibility by discharging the duties they are entrusted with in a fair and independent manner.<\/p>\n

Ravi K halts Gota\u2019s pet project<\/strong><\/p>\n

Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake made a bold statement on Monday when he said the government was likely to halt the construction of the new Defence Headquarters complex, which was the brainchild of former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. In addition to the colossal expenses, this project also came under question with regard to the controversy involving the bank accounts of the Defence Secretary.
\nKarunanayake revealed that the government will be compelled to suspend the construction of the Defence Headquarters Complex, at Akuregoda, Battaramulla. The Finance Minister, addressing a public meeting in Colombo said, the estimated cost of the new Defence headquarters complex was over Rs.50 billion.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe still do not know whether the former Defence Secretary sought Cabinet approval before starting this project. Was there a Tender procedure with regard to the construction? These questions have to be answered,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe can build so many houses across the country with the money which has been allocated for this project,\u201d Karunnayake added, indicating that the project might not get the green light from the new government.<\/p>\n

The Cabinet in 2011, gave its approval for the shifting of the Defence Ministry and Akuregoda in the Battaramulla area. The land where the Ministry of Defence is situated at Galle Face Green was earmarked for two hotel projects which were entered into by the previous government. Making way for the hotel projects in Colombo, Cabinet approval was given to relocate the Ministry of Defence, Office of the Chief of Defence Staff and Army Headquarters along with the Headquarters of other Armed Forces with residential facilities at Akuregoda in Battaramulla.<\/p>\n

It was the funds related to this shift that came under scrutiny when Karunanayake raised questions over the Defence Secretary’s Bank of Ceylon account.<\/p>\n

Karunanayake, speaking to media on a previous occasion, said the Defence Ministry account at Bank of Ceylon had Rs. 20 billion worth of funds arising from payments by Shangri La and Avic on the lease\/purchase of land at Colombo 3 to build star class hotels. When the new Government took office, the account\u2019s balance was Rs. 13 billion.<\/p>\n

The Finance Minister said that the procedure followed was far from transparent best practices. \u201cAt a time when Treasury needs money badly, it is deprived of funds,\u201d alleged Karunanayake saying that the outstanding funds had now been transferred to Treasury. He also said if an ordinary public servant had followed this process he or she would be in jail.
\n
\nCourtesy:Daily News<\/strong><\/p>\n

Tweet<\/a><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By Rasika Jayakody Political analyst Kusal Perera, who was a close confidant of Mahinda Rajapaksa during the early 90s, draws parallels between the Sri Lanka Freedom Party now and the SLFP in 1991. \u201cParty Leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike, due to failing health, was not in a position to actively engage in political activities of the party. …<\/p>\n

Continue reading ‘President Sirisena Though SLFP Chairman Does not have full Control over Central Committee or Executive Committee of the Party.’ »<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[12],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39632"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=39632"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39632\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":39661,"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39632\/revisions\/39661"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=39632"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=39632"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dbsjeyaraj.com\/dbsj\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=39632"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}