By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Maruthur Gopalan Ramachandran known popularly as MGR ruled Tamil movidom for three decades until becoming Chief Minister of India’s Tamil Nadu State in 1977. MGR served as chief minister (CM) for ten years until his demise in 1987. His 37th death anniversary will be commemorated this week on December 24.

MG Ramachandran entered active politics in the fifties of the last century. He was elected to the state legislature in the sixties and became CM in the seventies. When he died after 10 years as Chief Minister on 24 December 1987, MGR was 70 years of age

MGR –born in Sri Lanka — was a Malayalee hailing from Kerala. He grew up in Tamil Nadu and was active in politics for decades before forming a party and becoming CM.

M.G. Ramachandran’s or MGR’s life was a rags to riches tale!

Continue reading ‘Kandy-born MG Ramachandran (MGR) was Uncrowned King of Tamil Cinema and Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu State’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Ranwala Arachchige Asoka Sapumal Ranwala blazed across the parliamentary skies of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka for a brief period .The National People’s Power(NPP) Gampaha district MP served as Sri Lanka’s speaker from 21 November to 13 December 2024 for 22 days.

As is well known Ranwala was in the eye of a political storm due to the authenticity of his higher educational qualifications being publicly disputed. He was challenged to prove that he had acquired a doctoral degree from Japan as claimed by him. Unable to do so, Asoka Ranwala had no choice other than to tender his resignation to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

On 17 December 2024, Idampitiyegedara Wanigasuriya Mudiyanselage Jagath Wickramaratne was elected as speaker. The election was unanimous. Dr.Jagath Wickramarathe who was elected on the NPP ticket from Polonnaruwa district is a medical doctor.

The unsavory controversy surrounding Asoka Ranwala’s resignation has placed the respected office of the speaker under the spotlight. Much interest has been evinced in the role of the speaker in Sri Lanka following the resignation of the 22nd speaker. It is against this backdrop that this column focuses – with the aid of earlier writings – on the historic importance of the Speaker in a Parliamentary democracy. This two-part article will also provide an overview of past speakers who have held such office in Sri Lanka.

An interesting aspect of the roles played by various speakers of Sri Lanka in the past is that several of them irked the powers that be through their sturdy independence and firm adherence to the powers and privileges of Parliament. None in the past have caused disrepute and dishonour to that august office as has been done now.

Continue reading ‘From Francis Molamure in 1931 to Asoka Ranwala in 2024 : An Overview of Sri Lanka’s Speakers.’ »

By

D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The current controversy surrounding speaker Ashoka Sapumal Ranwala’s higher educational qualifications evoke memories of an earlier controversy of a similar nature concerning a prominent person associated with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE). The rumpus then was about the LTTE political strategist Anton Stanislaus Balasingham who was frequently referred to as Dr.Balasingham in the media. This was widely disputed by members of organizations opposed to the LTTE.It was said that Balasingham had never acquired a doctoral degree and was therefore a “pretender doctor”.

What had happened then was this. AB Stanislaus as Balasingham was known in his younger days had graduated from Peradeniya University with a BA degree. Balasingham later went to Britain where he obtained an MA from the South Bank London Polytechnic. His dissertation was on the psychology of Marxism. Thereafter he began reading for his PhD pertaing to Marx’s theory of alienation in sociology under Prof.John Taylor . Balasingham never completed his doctoral studies as he got involved in the politics of liberation.

Balasingham relocated to India after the July 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom and functioned as the LTTE’s political strategist ,negotiator and spokesperson. The Indian media followed by the international media began referring to him as “Dr.Balasingham”. In fairness to Balasingham it must be said that the LTTE strategist never ever called himself a ”Dr”. But he did not make any effort to correct media reports calling him Dr either.

The fact that Balasingham had no doctoral degree was conclusively proved later. Ironically this was not done by his detractors from rival groups. It was instead an own goal of sorts. In those days the LTTE organization in London was split in two factions.One was under Balasingham and the other under Seevaratnam an accountant hailing from Myliddy in Sri Lanka. Seevaratnam ran a fortnightly called “Tamil Voice International”. A question was posed by a “reader” to the journal about Balasingham’s doctoral qualifications. The detailed answer by the editors clearly explained the true position.

It is against this backdrop that this column focuses this week on Anton Stanislaus Balasingham whose 18th death anniversary is on 14 December. Balasingham known as Bala “Annai”(elder brother) was a colourful yet controversial figure who was admired by some and despised by others.

This writer’s relationship with Balasingham too has had its twists and turns. I have both criticised and praised him depending of course on the issue at hand. Likewise he too has both spoken and written ill and well of me. I have written about this man and his role in Tamil affairs on several occasions. I shall rely on some of these writings while focusing on the professional-personal relationship between “Bala Annai” and myself in this article.

Continue reading ‘“Bala Annai” : an Up,Close and Personal Account about LTTE Political Strategist Anton Stanislaus Balasingham.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

கடந்த வாரம் பாராளுமன்ற சபாநாயகர் அசோகா சப்புமால் ரண்வலவை பதவியில் இருந்து விலகவைத்த அவரது உயர்கல்வித் தகைமைகள் தொடர்பான சர்ச்சை விடுதலை புலிகள் இயக்கத்துடன் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட முக்கிய பிரமுகர் ஒருவர் தொடர்பிலான இதே போன்ற முன்னைய சர்ச்சை ஒன்றை நினைவுபடுத்துகிறது.

ஊடகங்களில் அடிக்கடி கலாநிதி பாலசிங்கம் என்று குறிப்பிடப்பட்ட விடுதலை புலிகளின் அரசியல் ஆலோசகர் அன்டன் ஸ்ரனிஸ்லோஸ் பாலசிங்கம் பற்றியதே அந்த குழப்பமாகும்.

விடுதலை புலிகளுக்கு எதிரான இயக்கங்களின் உறுப்பினர்கள் பாலசிங்கம் ஒரு கலாநிதி அல்ல என்று பரவலாக மறுதலித்தனர். பாலசிங்கம் ஒருபோதுமே கலாநிதி பட்டத்தை பெறவில்லை என்றும் அதனால் அவர் ஒரு ” பாசாங்கு கலாநிதி ” என்றும் கூறப்பட்டது.

அந்த நேரத்தில் நடந்தது இதுதான்.

இளம் பராயத்தில் ஏ.பி.ஸ்ரனிஸ்லோஸ் என்று அறியப்பட்ட பாலசிங்கம் பேராதனை பல்கலைக்கழகத்தில் கல்விகற்று கலைமாணி ( B.A. degree ) பட்டம் பெற்றவர்.பிறகு பிரிட்டனுக்கு சென்ற பாலசிங்கம் சவுத்பாங்க் லண்டன் பொலிரெக்னிக்கில் முதுமாணி (M.A. degree) பட்டத்தை பெற்றார். மார்க்சிசத்தின் உளவியல் ( Psychology of Marxism ) தொடர்பாகவே அவரது ஆய்வு அமைந்தது. அதற்கு பிறகு பேராசிரியர் ஜோன் ரெயிலரின் கீழ் சமூகவியலில் உடமை மாற்றம் தொடர்பான மார்க்சின் கோட்பாடு ( Marx’s theory of alienation in sociology) குறித்து கலாநிதி பட்டத்துக்காக ஆய்வைச் செய்யத் தொடங்கினார். விடுதலை அரசியலில் ஈடுபடத் தொடங்கியதனால் பாலசிங்கம் கலாநிதி பட்டத்துக்கான ஆய்வை பூர்த்தி செய்யவில்லை.

1983 கறுப்பு ஜூலை இனவன்செயலுக்கு பிறகு விடுதலை புலிகள் இயக்கத்தின் அரசியல் மதயூகியாக, பேச்சுவார்த்தையாளராக, பேச்சாளராக பாலசிங்கம் இந்தியாவுக்கு வந்தார். இந்திய ஊடகங்களை தொடர்ந்து சர்வதேச ஊடகங்களும் அவரை ” கலாநிதி பாலசிங்கம் ” என்று குறிப்பிடத் தொடங்கின. அவர் தன்னை ” கலாநிதி ” என்று ஒருபோதும் அழைத்ததில்லை என்பதை நேர்மையாக ஒத்துக்கொள்ள வேண்டும். ஆனால், தன்னை கலாநிதி என்று அழைத்த ஊடகச் செய்திகளை திருத்துவதற்கு அவர் எந்த முயற்சியையும் எடுக்கவில்லை.

பாலசிங்கம் கலாநிதி பட்டத்தை கொண்டிருக்கவில்லை என்பது பிறகு நம்பத்தகுந்த முறையில் நிரூபிக்கப்பட்டது. அது போட்டிக் குழுக்களை சேர்ந்த எதிர்பாளர்களினால் செய்யப்படவில்லை. பதிலாக விடுதலை புலிகள் மத்தியில் இருந்தவர்களே அதைச் செய்தார்கள். அந்த நாட்களில் லண்டனில் விடுதலை புலிகள் இயக்கம் இரண்டு பிரிவுகளாக பிளவுபட்டிருந்தது. ஒரு பிரிவு பாலசிங்கத்தின் கீழும் மற்றைய பிரிவு இலங்கையில் மயிலிட்டியைச் சேர்ந்த ஒரு கணக்காளரான சீவரத்தினத்தின் கீழும் இருந்தன. இரு வாரங்களுக்கு ஒரு முறை வெளியான சஞ்சிகை ஒன்றை (Tamil Voice International ) சீவரத்தினம் நடத்தினார். பாலசிங்கத்தின் கலாநிதி பட்டத் தகைமைகள் குறித்து அந்த சஞ்சிகைக்கு “வாசகர் ” ஒருவர் கேள்வியை அனுப்பினார்.்அதற்கு ஆசிரியர்கள் அளித்த பதில் உண்மை நிலையை தெளிவாக விளக்கியது.

இத்தகைய ஒரு பின்புலத்தில் இந்த கட்டுரை பாலசிங்கத்தின் 18 வது நினைவு தினத்தை ( டிசம்பர் 14 ) முன்னிட்டு அவர் மீது கவனத்தைச் செலுத்துகிறது. ” பாலா அண்ணை ” என்று அறியப்பட்ட பாலசிங்கம் கிளர்ச்சியூட்டுகின்ற ஆனால் அதேவேளை சர்ச்சைக்குரிய புள்ளியாக விளங்கினார். அவரை நேசிப்பவர்களும் வெறுப்பவர்களும் இருந்தார்கள்.

பாலசிங்கத்துடனான இந்த கட்டுரையாளரின் உறவுமுறையும் கூட நெளிவுசுழிவுகளைக கொண்டதாகவே இருந்தது. பிரச்சினைகளைப் பொறுத்து அவரை நான் கண்டித்ததும் உண்டு, மெச்சியதும் உண்டு.

அதேபோன்று அவரும் கூட எனனைப் பற்றி சாதகமாகவும் பாதகமாகவும் எழுதியும் பேசியும் இருக்கிறார். இந்த மனிதனைப் பற்றியும் தமிழர் விவகாரங்களில் அவரின் பாத்திரம் பற்றியும் பல சந்தர்ப்பங்களில் நான் எழுதியிருக்கிறேன். இந்த கட்டுரையில் ” பாலா அண்ணைக்கும் ” எனக்கும் இடையிலான துறைசார் மற்றும் தனிப்பட்ட உறவுமுறை பற்றி கவனம் செலுத்துகின்ற அதேவேளை முன்னைய எழுத்துக்கள் சிலவற்றில் இருந்தும் விடயங்களை குறிப்பிடுகிறேன்.

Continue reading ‘“பாலா அண்ணை “: அரசியல் ஆலோசகர் அன்டன் ஸ்ரனிஸ்லோஸ் பாலசிங்கத்துடனான அனுபவங்களின் நினைவுகள்.’ »

(Text of Statement addressing the media by Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at New Delhi on 16 December 2024)

His Excellency Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Honourable Ministers
Excellencies
Ladies and Gentlemen
Friends from the media

Ayubowan, Vanakkam, Namaste, Good Afternoon.

It is indeed a pleasure to be in New Delhi on my first overseas visit after assuming office as the President of Sri Lanka.
I am thankful to Her Excellency President Her Excellency Droupadi Murmu and His Excellency Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi for the invitation extended to me and the warm welcome and hospitality. The deep-rooted civilizational ties and the strong bilateral cooperation between our two countries have been elevated during this visit.

My visit occurs at an important juncture in the political scenario of both our nations where our peoples have explicitly spoken through the democratically established electoral systems and given us the mandate to steer our countries along the path of sustainable development, social empowerment and prosperity.
The Parliament of Sri Lanka now has the highest number of representatives ever elected under a single mandate. This overwhelming support that the National People’s Power under my leadership received from the people is a watershed moment in the history of Sri Lanka. For the first time in Sri Lanka’s history, the public mandate expressed during the recently concluded Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, has laid the seeds for a political transformation enabling the formation of a new political culture in our country.

People from all the Provinces – North, South, East, and West—representing diverse communities and various walks of life contributed to this mandate.
As a leader entrusted with such an important responsibility by my people, I clearly understand that the essence of democracy lies in the coexistence of diverse political views and groups.

Continue reading ‘“People from all the Provinces – North, South, East, and West—representing diverse communities contributed to our mandate.As a leader entrusted with such an important responsibility by my people, I clearly understand that the essence of democracy lies in the coexistence of diverse political views and groups.”- President Dissanayake in New Delhi’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The recently held parliamentary elections have resulted in the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP)led National People’s Power(NPP) winning 159 seats and forming the Government. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya(SJB) with 40 seats is the chief opposition party. The Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi (ITAK) known in English as the Federal Party(FP) with eight seats became the third largest party in Parliament.

The ITAK did remarkably well in the multi-ethnic Eastern Province winning five seats. The party obtained three seats in Batticaloa district and one each in the districts of Trincomalee and Amparai/Digamadulla. The ITAK performance in the Tamil majority northern province was poor when compared to the East. The north has two electoral districts namely Jaffna and Wanni. The Jaffna Electoral districts comprises the administrative districts of Kilinochchi and Jaffna. The Wanni electoral district consists of the administrative districts of Mannar,Vavuniya and Mullaitheevu. The ITAK won one seat in Jaffna and one in the Wanni.

The Party was entitled to a seat on the basis of votes polled. With a national list MP the ITAK tally of parliamentarians was eight. By wiining eight seats and becoming the third largest party in Parliament, the ITAK was able to re-assert itself as the premier political party representing the Tamils of the northern and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. Moreover the ITAK had MPs from the five electoral districts of the north and east namely Jaffna,Wanni, Trinco, B’caloa and Amparai.

The ITAK’s commendable showing in the 2024 poll is of sentimental significance to many of the party members and supporters for a very good reason. The ITAK/FP will be celebrating it’s 75th birth anniversary this year.It was on 18 December 1949 that the Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi was officially launched in Colombo 75 years ago.

Continue reading ‘Sri Lanka’s Premier Tamil Political Party Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi(ITAK) Celebrates 75th Birth Anniversary.’ »

By Krishantha Prasad Cooray

One side-effect of the polarizing effect of nationalism and populism around the world in recent years has been a decrease in the political stability and mandate enjoyed by incumbent regimes. From the erosion of nationalist hegemony in Malaysia or India to the rise of populism in the United States and pockets of Europe, swings in both directions have led to fragile coalitions, divided legislatures and a rise in uncertainty.

One of the few silver linings to emerge from this cloud of political uncertainty was Sri Lanka’s spritely Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who, at age 55, became the youngest president elected by Sri Lankans in 30 years in a runoff to a closely contested election in October. Dissanayake, colloquially known as AKD, and his National People’s Power (NPP) went before the electorate once more the following month and secured a two-thirds majority in Sri Lanka’s parliament, sweeping the polls and for the first time erasing the ethnic and xenophobic calculations that have plagued Sri Lanka since the island’s independence.

The resounding majorities secured by Dissanayake across Lankans young and old, male and female, Buddhist, Christian or Hindu, and Sinhalese, Tamil or Muslim, are the first ever sign that Sri Lankans are eager to put populism, nationalism and sectarianism in the rearview mirror and unite on the painful journey of rebuilding their proud island nation.

This week, President Dissanayake will be in India for his first state visit, including bilateral talks with another politician who came up from the grassroots and surpassed all political expectations, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Having just secured his third term through a coalition arrangement, Modi has dealt with four Sri Lankan presidents since taking the reins of India in May 2014.

However, in meeting President Dissanayake this week, Prime Minister Modi will for the first time come face to face with a Sri Lankan head of state who can credibly speak to the concerns and aspirations of every constituency in the country, who leads a Sri Lanka that less than three years after declaring insolvency is fast emerging as the most stable democracy in South Asia.

Continue reading ‘Beyond “Big Brother” : Reframing India-Sri Lanka Relations Under President Dissanayake’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake will visit India from December 15 to 17, 2024, the foreign ministries of the two countries said on Friday (December 13, 2024), announcing his first state visit abroad since he won the presidency in September and his party swept the polls in the November general elections.

During his visit to New Delhi, Mr. Dissanayake will meet President Droupadi Murmu and hold bilateral discussions with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and “and other Indian dignitaries on a range of issues of mutual interest”, Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on Friday (December 13, 2024).

President Dissanayake is also scheduled to participate in a business event in New Delhi aimed at “promoting investment and commercial linkages between India and Sri Lanka” and later, travel to Bodh Gaya, as part of the visit, according to a statement issued by the Ministry of External Affairs.

Continue reading ‘Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake Undertakes his First State Visit Abroad After Winning the Presidency in September; Three Day Visit to India from December 15 to 17’ »

By

D.B.S. Jeyaraj

“Mata Allanda Bariwune,Madakkalappuwa vitharai” (I was unable to capture only Batticaloa) were the words with which President Anura Kumara Dissanayake smilingly greeted “Mattakkalappu”MP Shanakiyan Rajaputhiran Rasamanickam in Parliament on 21st November. The president was mingling with the parliamentarians at the inaugural session of the tenth parliament. Anura was of course alluding to the November 14 parliamentary election in which the AKD led JVP-NPP came first in all electoral districts of Sri Lanka except Batticaloa. That eastern district went to the Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi(ITAK)known in English as the Federal Party(FP).The ITAK won three of the five seats in B’caloa. The other two seats went to the National People’s Power(NPP) and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress(SLMC)respectively

The person chiefly responsible for the eastern victory was Rasamanickam known popularly as Shanakiyan who designed and led the ITAK campaign in the Batticaloa district. Speaking in Parliament some days later Shanakiyan complimented the people of Batticaloa for having defied the overall voting pattern in the country. He said that the ITAK counter wave in Batticaloa , though smaller, was very much akin to the NPP Tsunami experienced by the rest of the country.

The Impact of the ITAK victory in Batticaloa, transcended beyond the borders of the district. The ITAK had not fared well in the Tamil majority Northern province. In the Jaffna electoral district comprising the administrative districts of Kilinochchi and Jaffna, the ITAK had won only one seat. That too was possible only because the winner Sivagnanam Shritharan got the bulk of preference votes from Kilinochchi district. Shritharan has been nursing that district for the past 15 years.

None of the other ITAK candidates were able to garner enough preference votes from Jaffna to get elected. Even the ITAK’s lynch pin and high profile spokesperson Mathiaparanan Sumanthiran was unsuccessful. In contrast the JVP led NPP came first in the Jaffna electoral district winning three of the six seats. All three elected were first timers tasting their maiden victory in Parliament elections.

It was the same situation in adjacent Wanni. The northern mainland electoral district of Wanni consists of the administrative districts of Mannar,Mullaitheevu and Vavuniya and is entitled to six MPs. The ITAK got only one seat in this election. Once again the NPP topped the district with two Tamil MPs both ‘freshers”. Thus the premier Tamil nationalist party had obtained only two of the twelve seats in the Tamil dominated Northern province. The NPP came first in the north with five of twelve MPs.

Continue reading ‘Sweet and Sour Election Results for Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi(ITAK).: On Top in Batticaloa but Down in Jaffna.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

” மட்டக்களப்பை மாத்திரமே என்னால் கைப்பற்ற முடியாமல் போய்விட்டது.”
பாராளுமன்றத்தில் நவம்பர் 21 ஆம் திகதி மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்ட பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் சாணக்கியன் இராஜபுத்திரன் இராசமாணிக்கத்தை புன்முறுவலுடன் வரவேற்ற ஜனாதிபதி அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க கூறிய வார்த்தைகள் இவை.

பத்தாவது பாராளுமன்றத்தின் அங்குரார்ப்பணக் கூட்டத்தின்போது பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களுடன் ஒன்றறக்கலந்து ஜனாதிபதி அன்னியோன்யமாக உரையாடினார். நவம்பர் 14 பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலைப் பற்றியே சாணக்கியனிடம் அவர் அவ்வாறு மறைபொருளாக கூறினார். மட்டக்களப்பை தவிர இலங்கையின் சகல தேர்தல் மாவட்டங்களிலும் அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க தலைமையிலான ஜே.வி.பி. / தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி முதலாவதாக வந்தது. அந்த கிழக்கு மாவட்டத்தை இலங்கை தமிழரசு கட்சி கைப்பற்றியது. மட்டக்களப்பின் ஐந்து பாராளுமன்ற ஆசனங்களில் மூன்று அந்த கட்சிக்கு கிடைத்தது. தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியும் ஸ்ரீலங்கா முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸும் தலா ஒவ்வொரு ஆசனத்தைப் பெற்றுக்கொண்டன.

கிழக்கில் தமிழரசு கட்சி பெற்ற வெற்றிக்கு பிரதான காரணகர்த்தா சாணக்கியன் என்று பிரபல்யமாக அறியப்படும் இராசமாணிக்கமே ஆவார். அவரே மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்டத்தில் தமிழரசு கட்சியின் தேர்தல் பிரசாரங்களை திட்டமிட்டு வழிநடத்தினார். சில தினங்களுக்கு பிறகு பாராளுமன்றத்தில் உரையாற்றிய சாணக்கியன் நாடுபூராவும் மக்கள் வாக்களித்த முறைக்கு புறம்பாக வாக்களித்தமைக்காக மட்டக்களப்பு மக்களை பாராட்டினார். சிறியதாக இருந்தாலும் கூட, தமிழரசு கட்சியின் எதிரலை நாட்டின் ஏனைய பகுதிகள் அனுபவித்த தேசிய மக்கள் சக்திச் சுனாமிக்கு பெருமளவுக்கு நிகரானது என்று சாணக்கியன் கூறினார்.

மட்டக்களப்பில் தமிழரசு கட்சியின் வெற்றியின் தாக்கம் அந்த மாவட்டத்தின் எல்லைகளுக்கு அப்பாலும் கடந்து சென்றது. தமிழர்களை அதிகப்பெரும்பானமையாகக் கொண்ட வடமாகாணத்தில் தமிழரசு கட்சியின் தேர்தல் செயற்பாடு நன்றாக அமையவில்லை. யாழ்ப்பாணம் மற்றும் கிளிநொச்சி நிர்வாக மாவட்டங்களை உள்ளடக்கிய யாழ்ப்பாணம் தேர்தல் மாவட்டத்தில் தமிழரசு கட்சி ஒரேயொரு ஆசனத்தையே பெறக்கூடியதாக இருந்தது. அது கூட கிளிநொச்சி மாவட்டத்தில் இருந்து சிவஞானம் சிறீதரன் பெற்ற பெருமளவு விருப்பு வாக்குகள் காரணமாகவே சாத்தியமானது. கிளிநொச்சியை கடந்த பதினைந்து வருடங்களாக தனது செல்வாக்கு வலயமாக பேணிக்காத்து வருகிறார்.

தமிழரசு கட்சியின் வேறு எந்த வேட்பாளரினாலுமே பாராளுமன்றத்துக்கு தெரிவாவதற்கு போதுமான விருப்பு வாக்குகளைப் பெறமுடியாமல் போய்விட்டது. தமிழரசு கட்சியின் அச்சாணியாக விளங்கிய நாடு நன்கறிந்த பேச்சாளர் மதியாபரணம் ஆபிரகாம் சுமந்திரனால் வெற்றி பெறமுடியவில்லை. மாறாக யாழ்ப்பாண தேர்தல் மாவட்டத்தில் முதலாவதாக வந்த தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி ஆறு ஆசனங்களில் மூன்று ஆசனங்களை வென்றெடுத்தது. தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்ட மூவருமே முதற்தடவையாக பாராளுமன்றத்தில் போட்டியிட்டவர்கள்.

அடுத்த மாவட்டமான வன்னியிலும் அதே நிலைதான். வடக்கின் பிரதான நிலப்பரப்பில் முல்லைத்தீவு, வவுனியா மற்றும் மன்னார் ஆகிய நிர்வாக மாவட்டங்களை உள்ளடக்கிய வன்னி தேர்தல் மாவட்டம் ஆறு பாராளுமன்ற ஆசனங்களைக் கொண்டது. இந்த தேர்தலில் தமிழரசு கட்சிக்கு அங்கு ஒரேயொரு ஆசனம் மாத்திரமே கிடைத்தது. அந்த மாவட்டத்திலும் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி முதலாவதாக வந்து இரு ஆசனங்களை தனதாக்கிக் கொண்டது. தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்ட இரு தமிழ் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களும் புதியவர்கள். இவவாறாக, பிரதான தமிழ்த் தேசியவாதக் கட்சி தமிழர்களைப் பெரும்பானமையாகக் கொண்ட வடமாகாணத்தில் உள்ள 12 ஆசனங்களில் இரண்டு ஆசனங்களை மாத்திரமே பெற்றது. வடமாகாணத்தில் முதலாவதாக வந்த தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி 12 ஆசனங்களில் ஐந்து ஆசனங்களைக் கைப்பற்றியது.

Continue reading ‘தமிழரசு கட்சி மட்டக்களப்பில் பெற்ற பெருவெற்றியும் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் அடைந்த படுதோல்வியும்’ »

By

Saman Gunadasa

After two days of debate on December 3–4, the Sri Lankan parliament, without taking a vote, unanimously endorsed the policy statement of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna/National People’s Power (JVP/NPP) government, presented by the President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on November 21.

The unanimity of the ruling and opposition MPs on the policy statement, which pledged to implement the International Monetary Fund (IMF) program in full, demonstrates the fundamental agreement of the entire political establishment with the savage austerity agenda.

The opposition parties have thus strengthened the hand of the JVP/NPP government to proceed with its assault on the living conditions of workers and the poor. Their support followed the government’s signing of an IMF staff level agreement on November 23, promising to bring next year’s budget into line with its demands.

Last week, the government presented an interim budget for the first four months of 2025, until the formal budget for 2025 to be presented in January is approved. The interim budget was unanimously approved by parliament on December 6.

In presenting the policy statement last month, President Dissanayake emphasised: “Debating whether the proposed restructuring plan is good or bad, advantageous or disadvantageous, serves no purpose.” The country’s “economy is hanging on a thread,” he said. “Due to the scale of the crisis, even the smallest error could have significant repercussions… There is no room for mistakes.”

His comments were a total repudiation of the JVP/NPP election manifesto, which pledged to “renegotiate with the IMF” and “prepare an alternative Debt Sustainability Analysis” so as to salvage “the poor and deprived people from [their] painful condition.”

Continue reading ‘Sri Lankan opposition parties have strengthened the hand of the JVP/NPP government to proceed with its assault on the living conditions of workers and the poor.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுனவை ( ஜே.வி.பி.) பொறுத்தவரை, நவம்பர் 13 பெரும் முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த ஒரு தினமாகும். ஜே.வி.பி.யின் வசீகரமிக்க தாபகத் தலைவர் றோஹண விஜேவீர 1989 நவம்பர் 13 ஆம் திகதி தான் கொலை செய்யப்பட்டார். 1994 ஆம் ஆண்டில் இருந்து ஜே.வி.பி. விஜேவீரவையும் 1971 கிளர்ச்சியிலும் 1987 — 89 கிளர்ச்சியிலும் உயிரிழந்த ஆயிரக்கணக்கான அதன் உறுப்பினர்களையும் நினைவுகூருவதற்கு வருடாந்தம் ஒரு நிகழ்வை ஏற்பாடு செய்துவருகிறது. தியாகிகளை நினைவு கூருவதற்கு வழமையாக நவம்பர் 13 ஆம் திகதி உரைகளினதும் கீதங்களினதும் ஒரு கலவையாக நடைபெறும் நிகழ்வு ” இல் மகா விரு சமாறுவ ” என்று அழைக்கப்படுகிறது.

இந்த வருடம் நவம்பர் 13 றோஹண விஜேவீர என்று அறியப்படும் பட்டபெந்தி டொன் ஜினதாச நந்தசிறி விஜேவீர 35 வது நினைவு தினமாகும். ஜே.வி.பி. நவம்பர் 15 ஆம் திகதி நினைவேந்தல் நிகழ்வை நடத்தியது. அதில் பங்குபற்றியவர்களில் ஜே.வி.பி.யின் தவைவர் ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவும் பொதுச் செயலாளர் ரில்வின் சில்வாவும் அடங்குவர். அது ஒரு உணர்வுபூர்வமான அமைதியான நிகழ்வாக இருந்தபோதிலும், ஒரு கொண்டாட்ட மகிழ்ச்சியும் காணப்பட்டது. ஏனென்றால் முதல் தடவையாக கட்சி ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலிலும் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலிலும் வெற்றி பெற்று அதிகாரத்தைக் கைப்பற்றியிருக்கிறது.

நினைவு நிகழ்வில் ரில்வின் சில்வாவே நீண்ட நேரம் உரையாற்றினார். ” உயிர்த்தியாகம் செய்த ” தலைவர் றோஹண விஜேவீரவை புகழ்ந்துரைக்கும் பல குறிப்புக்களுடன் அவர் ஜேவி.பி.யின் தோற்றத்தையும் அதன் படிமுறையான வளர்ச்சியையும் சுருக்கமாக விளக்கினார். நசுக்கப்பட்ட இரண்டாவது ஜே.வி பி. கிளர்ச்சியின் சாம்பலில் இருந்து பீனிக்ஸ் பறவை போன்று கட்சி எழுந்ததை பற்றியும் அதற்கு பிறகு கட்சியின் வெற்றிகரமான அரசியல் மறுமலர்ச்சி பற்றியும் பேசிய ரில்வின் சில்வா ” காலத்துக்கு ஏற்ற முறையில் இசைவாக்கம் பெற்றது எமது கட்சி…. பிடிவாதமாக இருப்பவர்கள், மாற்றத்தை ஏற்றுக் கொள்ளாதவர்கள் தப்பிப் பிழைப்பதில்லை ” என்று கூறினார்.

அண்மைக் காலமாக றோஹண விஜேவீரவினதும் ஜே.வி.பி. தோழர்களினதும் மறைவை இன்னொரு கட்சியும் நினைவுகூர்ந்து வருகிறது. ஜே.வி.பி.யில் இருந்து பிரிந்த அதிருப்தியாளர்கள் குழுவினரின் முன்னிலை சோசலிசக் கட்சியே அதுவாகும். நொயல் முதலிகே அல்லது குமார்/ குமார என்ற பிரேம்குமார் குணரத்தினத்தை பொதுச்செயலாளராகக் கொண்டு முன்னிலை சோசலிசக் கட்சி 2012 ஏப்பிலில் ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்டது. ஒரு சமாந்தரமான ” இல் மகா விரு சமாறுவ ” நிகழ்வின் மூலமாக உயிரிழந்த தலைலர்களையும் தோழர்களையும் முன்னிலை சோசலிசக் கட்சி வருடாந்தம் நினைவுகூருகிறது.

குமார் குணரத்தினம்

முன்னிலை சோசலிசக் கட்சி அதன் நினைவு நிகழ்வை நவம்பர் 11 ஆம் திகதி நடத்தியது. அந்த நிகழ்வில் தனது உரையில் பொதுச் செயலாளர் குமார் குணரத்தினம் ஒரு உரத்த அழைப்பை விடுத்தார். தங்களது முன்னாள் தலைவர் றோஹண விஜேவீர உட்பட 1987 — 89 கிளர்ச்சியின்போது உயிரிழந்த ஜே.வி.பி. உறுப்பினர்களுக்கு நீதியைப் பெற்றுக் கொடுக்குமாறு குணரத்தினம் தனது முன்னாள் தோழர் ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவிடம் கோரிக்கை விடுத்தார்.

Continue reading ‘ஜே.வி.பி.யின் தாபகத் தலைவர் றோஹண விஜேவீர கொலையை அநுராவின் அரசாங்கம் விசாரணை செய்யுமா?’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

November 13 is a date of great significance as far as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP) – known as the Makkal Viduthalai Munnani in Tamil and People’s Liberation Front in English-is concerned. It was on 13 November 1989 that the JVP’s charismatic founder-leader Rohana Wijeweera. Since 1994 the JVP has been annually conducting an event to commemorate Wijeweera and the lives of thousands of JVP cadres killede in the two insurgencies of 1971 and 1987-89. The commemoration of heroes event called “Il Maha Viru Samaruwa” is a blend of speeches and songs and is usually held on the 13th of November..

This year was the 35th anniversary of Patabendi Don Jinadasa Nandasiri Wijeweera known as Rohana Wijeweera. The JVP commemorative event was held on November 15 this year. Both the JVP leader President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva were among the particpants. Even though it was a solemn occasion there was festive joy in the air because the party had for the first time captured power through the Presidential and Parliamentary elections.

Tilvin Silva spoke for long at the commemoration. He briefly traced the evolution and growth of the JVP interspersed with many glowing references to the “martyred”leader Rohana Wijeweera. Talking about the party rising phoenix-like from the ashes of the suppressed second JVP insurrection and its successful political renaissance thereafter , Tilvin said “we are a political party which has adapted with the times…those who are stubborn, who do not change, will not survive.”

In recent times the death of Rohana Wijeweera and other JVP cadres has been commemorated by another party also. The Frontline Socialist Party(FSP) known in Sinhala as the Peratugami Samajavadi Pakshaya and in Tamil as the Munnilai Socialisak Katchi is a brealaway group of JVP dissidents. The FSP launched in April 2012 is led by it’s secretary-general Premakumar Gunaratnam alias Noel Mudalige and Kumar/Kumara. The Frontline Socialist party also commemorates its fallen leader and comrades annually through a parallel event “Il Maha Viru Samaruwa”.

Continue reading ‘Will Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s NPP Govt Order an Official Probe Into the “Unofficial Execution” of JVP Founder – Leader Rohana Wijeweera 35 Years ago?’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

தமிழ்த் தேசியவாதத்தின் கோட்டையான யாழ்ப்பாணத்தைச் சூழ்ந்த அநுரா அலை பற்றியதாக எனது கடந்த வாரத்தைய கட்டுரை அமைந்திருந்தது. ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன (ஜே.வி.பி.) தலைமையிலான தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி 2024 நவம்பர் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் அதிகூடிய வாக்குகளைப் பெற்ற தனிக்கட்சியாக வரலாறு படைத்தது. இலங்கை தமிழர்களின் பண்பாட்டுத் தலைநகரம் என்று வர்ணிக்கப்படும் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தின் ஆறு பாராளுமன்ற ஆசனங்களில் தேசிய கட்சிக்கு மூன்று ஆசனங்கள் கிடைத்தன.

நவம்பர் 14 தேர்தல் தீர்ப்பு இலங்கையின் சுதந்திரத்துக்கு பின்னரான வரலாற்றில் இந்த தமிழ்த் தேசியவாதக் கோட்டை முதற்தடவையாக அதுவும் சிங்களவர்களின் ஆதிக்கத்தில் உள்ள ஒரு தேசியக்கட்சியினால் தகர்க்கப்பட்டதை குறித்து நிற்கிறது. இந்த கட்டுரை யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் தேசிய மககள் சக்தி ஏன், எவ்வாறு வெற்றி பெற்றது என்பதை விபரிக்கிறது.

கடந்தவார கட்டுரையில் நான் கூறியதைப் போன்று, ஐக்கிய தேசிய கட்சி, ஸ்ரீலங்கா சுதந்திர கட்சி மற்றும் இலங்கை கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சி போன்ற சிங்களவர்களின் ஆதிக்கத்திலான தேசிய கட்சிகளின் வேட்பாளர்கள் கடந்த காலத்தில் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் இருந்து பாராளுமன்றத்துக்கு தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டார்கள். தேசிய கட்சிகளுடன் அணி சேர்ந்த ஈழமக்கள் ஜனநாயக கட்சி ( ஈ.பி.டி.பி. ) போன்ற கட்சிகளின் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களும் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் இருந்து தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டார்கள்.

மேலும், ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல்களில் சிங்கள வேட்பாளர்களும் யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் பெருமளவு வாக்குகளைப் பெற்றிருந்தார்கள். இந்த வருடத்தைய ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் ஐக்கிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் சஜித் பிரேமதாச சுயேச்சையாக போட்டியிட்ட தமிழ்ப் பொது வேட்பாளர் பாக்கியசெல்வம் அரியநேத்திரனை தோற்றகடித்து யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் கூடுதலான வாக்குகளைப் பெற்றார்.

எனவே இந்த தடவை பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி பெற்ற வெற்றியின் தனித்துவம் என்வென்றால் அதாவது யாழ்ப்பாணம் மற்றும் கிளிநொச்சி நிருவாக மாவட்டங்களை உள்ளடக்கிய யாழ்ப்பாணம் தேர்தல் மாவட்டத்தில் சிங்களவர்களின் ஆதிக்கத்திலான தேசிய கட்சி ஒன்று முதற்தடவையாக அதிகூடிய வாக்குகளையும் பெரும்பாலான ஆசனங்களையும் பெற்றிருக்கிறது. யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் அந்த கட்சி 80, 830 ( 24.85 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளைப் பெற்று மூன்று பாராளுமன்ற ஆசனனங்களை தனதாக்கிக் கொண்டது.

யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் அதிகூடிய தபால் வாக்குகளை தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி பெற்றிருப்பது அரசாங்க ஊழியர்கள் மத்தியில் அதற்கு இருக்கும் ஆதரவின் மட்டத்தை வெளிக்காட்டி நிற்கிறது. மேலும், யாழ்ப்பாண மாவட்டத்தில் உள்ள 11 தேர்தல் தொகுதிகளில் எட்டு தொகுதிகளில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி முதலாவதாக வந்திருக்கிறது.

நல்லூர், கோப்பாய், மானிப்பாய், காங்கேசன்துறை, உடுப்பிட்டி, வட்டுக்கோட்டை, யாழ்ப்பாணம் மற்றும் பருத்தித்துறை ஆகிய தொகுதிகளில் திசைகாட்டி சின்னம் அதிகூடிய வாக்குகளைப் பெற்றது.

Continue reading ‘யாழ்ப்பாண வெற்றி தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தேர்தல் கிரீடத்தில் பெறுமதியான அணிகலன்: யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் தேசிய மககள் சக்தி ஏன், எவ்வாறு வெற்றி பெற்றது?’ »

By

Ranga Jayasuriya

The political Opposition in this country has yet again reduced to insignificance. This is a precarious existence for politics and the country at large, though this has been a recurrent phenomenon throughout the 2010s. Only the travails have incrementally worsened:

In 2010, during the second term of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidency, the UPFA won 144 seats, a tad short of the two-thirds majority, which was compensated with the pole vaulters from the Opposition to pass the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which decimated the independent commissions and removed the term limits of the presidency.

The same misfortune was revisited in 2020 when the Sri Lanka People’s Freedom Alliance, led by Pohottuwa, won 145 seats against Samagi Jana Balawegaya’s 54 seats. Bolstered by the overwhelming parliamentary majority, Gotabaya Rajapaksa instituted some of the stupidest policy decisions, effectively bringing the economy crashing down to the ground.

This time around, the general elections returned a Parliament with the ruling party securing a third majority in the House for the first time since the introduction of the Proportional Representation system.

The main Opposition won a meagre 40 seats with just 17.6 % of the total vote share, the lowest in the history of elections. This is a type of election result one would see coming from countries like Belarus and Russia, where the freedom of political participation is seriously limited by state oppression.

However, in this country, one cannot blame the government for the plight of the established political Opposition with deep pockets and financial backers. More so when, the current ruling party came from nowhere, from 3 seats in the previous Parliament, to sweep the electorate at the general election.

This is the Opposition’s own making, and its stakeholders should take a deep look into why things had gone so drastically wrong for them. Unfortunately, they don’t seem to be doing it, not even an honest appraisal of its abysmal performances, part of which, one would say, is owning to the serial stupidity of the SJB leader Sajith Premadasa—whose decision to run against Ranil Wickremesinghe in Presidential election assured the mutual destruction of both and played into the hands of the NPP and Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

Continue reading ‘The Serial stupidity of SJB leader Sajith Premadasa whose decision to run against Ranil Wickremesinghe in Presidential election assured the mutual destruction of both and played into the hands of the NPP and Anura Kumara Dissanayake.’ »

By Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Don’t let it happen. It depends on you.” – George Orwell (1984)

They are back, creeping out of the woodwork. The gathering outside Colombo’s main railway station was mercifully small, just the mandatory monk and a handful of civilians. Having offered flowers to a statue of the Buddha, they proceeded to violate his teachings by trying to ignite an ethno-religious fire.

Their target was the welcome decision by the NPP/JVP Government to release some of the military-occupied land in the north to their original owners.

The monk accused President Anura Kumara Dissanayake of being a diaspora agent trying to rejuvenate the Tigers and start the next Eelam War. Madubhashana Prabath, the secretary of Sinhala Ravaya, called the new president King Elara of Tambuttegama and promised to struggle till the ‘last drop of blood’ to ‘save the nation’. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oc613tLk3Cs).

During the Kurundi controversy in 2023, the same Madubhashana Prabath threatened the then president with violence: “Ranil should pay attention to what happened to Rajiv Gandhi. Because patriots are near even you…” ((https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=q05CR_k5-gg).

The NPP/JVP (and the SJB) watched in silence because the target was their political opponent. Now the same extremists are coming for the NPP/JVP.

The new Government is young, and hopes are still high of a change for the better. Yet, Sinhala Ravaya decided to aggressively confront the President, probably because they sense a coming change in tides, due to the gravitational force of economic malaise.

The two speakers repeatedly challenged the Government to fulfil its economic promises, especially about slashing fuel prices. Little wonder, given the most recent price revision, which saw the price of kerosene oil going up by Rs. 2!

Continue reading ‘If Chabad-Lubavitch Movement is given a legal foothold in Arugam Bay, it may not be long before our own Muslims are accused of antisemitism and of igniting a pogrom! Imagine with what glee the BBS/Sinhala Ravaya types would hop on that bandwagon.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The Anura “Alai”or wave that engulfed the Tamil nationalist stronghold of Jaffna was the focus of this column published last week. (Anura “Alai”(Wave) Engulfs Tamil Nationalist Stronghold of Jaffna).The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)led National People’s Power(NPP) made history by polling the highest number of votes in Jaffna as a single party in the November 2024 parliamentary poll. The NPP won three of the six seats in Jaffna described as the cultural capital of the Sri Lankan Tamils. The November 14 electoral verdict indicated that this Tamil nationalist fort has been breached and even overwhelmed by a Sinhala dominated nationalist party for the first time in Sri Lanka’s post-independence history. This week’s article will delve in detail into how and why the NPP triumphed in Jaffna.

As stated in last week’s article, candidates from Sinhala dominated national parties like the United National Party(UNP), Sri Lanka Freedom Party(SLFP) and the Communist Party(CP)have been elected to Parliament from Jaffna in the past. MPs from parties like the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party(EPDP) who were aligned to nationalist parties have also been elected in Jaffna. Furthermore Sinhala presidential candidates have received a great number of votes from Jaffna. In this year’s presidential election, Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya(SJB) obtained the highest number of votes in Jaffna beating the independent common Tamil presidential candidate Packiyaselvam Ariyanethiran.

Therefore what is unique about the NPP victory in this election is that a Sinhala dominated national party has for the first time obtained the highest number of votes and the most number of seats in the Jaffna electoral district comprising the administrative districts of Kilinochchi and Jaffna. The NPP polled 80,830 (24.85%) votes in Jaffna entitling it to three MPs.

Moreover the NPP got the highest number of postal votes in Jaffna indicating its support level among Govt employees. Furthermore the NPP came first in eight of the eleven electoral divisions in Jaffna. The “thisaikaatti”(compass) topped the electorates of Nallur, Kopay, Manipay, Kankesanthurai, Uduppiddy, Vaddukkoddai, Jaffna and Point Pedro. Only three divisions were won by others.They were Kayts (EPDP), Kilinochchi (ITAK) and Chavakachcheri (Independent group 17). The three Parliamentarians elected from Jaffna on the NPP ticket and their preference votes are Karunanathan Ilankumaran (32,102) Dr Shanmuganathan Sribavanandarajah(20,430) and Jeyachandramoorthy Rajeevan (17,579).

The NPP’s electoral success in Jaffna was in the words of English poet Robert Southey “a famous victory”. Although the NPP polled 6,863,86 (61.6%) votes to win 159 seats in the election, JVP stalwarts like Tilvin Silva and Bimal Ratnayake were elated over the “Victory in Jaffna” calling it the crowning achievement.. The national and international media gave pride of place to the Jaffna results in their reports about the election.Several politicians and political commentators referred to the NPP performance in glowing terms. The Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Qi Zhenhong went to Jaffna and praised the people of Jaffna for wisely voting in favour of the NPP.

It could be seen therefore that the NPP’s historic victory in Jaffna is now regarded as a significant gain by the party in this election. In the NPP’s triumphant electoral crown, the party’s grand performance in Jaffna seems to be the prized jewel. It is against this backdrop that I write this article focusing on the NPP’s victory in Jaffna.

Continue reading ‘Despite Winning 159 Seats, the 3 MP Success in Jaffna is the Prized Jewel in the NPP’s Electoral Crown.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி 2024 நவம்பர் 14 பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் வரலாற்று முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த ஒரு வெற்றியைப் பதிவு செய்திருக்கிறது. ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுனவை (ஜே.வி.பி.) பிரதான அங்கத்துவக் கட்சியாகக்கொண்டு 21 அரசியல் கட்சிகள், குழுக்கள் மற்றும் தொழிற்சங்கங்களை உளாளடக்கிய ஒரு கூட்டமைப்பே தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியாகும். அது 6, 863,186 (61.6 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளைப் பெற்று 225 ஆசனங்களைக் கொண்ட இலங்கை பாராளுமன்றத்தில் 159 ஆசனங்களைக் கைப்பறாறியிருக்கிறது. இவற்றில் 141 ஆசனங்கள் நேரடியாக மாவட்ட அடிப்படையில் பெறப்பட்டவையாக இருக்கின்ற அதேவேளை 18 ஆசனங்கள் தேசியப்பட்டியல் மூலம் கிடைத்தவை.

விகிதாசாரப் பிரதிநிதித்துவ தேர்தல் முறை 46 வருடங்களுக்கு முன்னர் நடைமுறைக்கு வந்த பிறகு பாராளுமன்றத்தில் மூன்றில் இரண்டு பெரும்பான்மை பலத்தை ஒரு அரசியல் கட்சியினால் பெறக்கூடியதாக இருந்தது இதுவே முதற்தடவையாகும். நாட்டின் 22 தேர்தல் மாவட்டங்களிலும் இருந்து தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் வேட்பாளர்கள் பாராளுமன்றத்துக்கு தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டிருப்பது பெரும் முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த ஒரு அம்சமாகும். வடக்கில் பருத்தித்துறை தொடக்கம் தெற்கில் தேவேந்திரமுனை வரையும் மேற்கில் சிலாபம் தொடக்கம் கிழக்கில் மட்டக்களப்பு வரை இந்த 2024 தேர்தலில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் உறுப்பினர்கள் பாராளுமன்றத்துக்கு தெரிவு செய்யப் பட்டிருக்கிறார்கள்.

தெரிவுசெய்யப்பட்ட 141 பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களில் 11 பேர் தமிழர்கள், 7 பேர் முஸ்லிம்கள். 11 தமிழ் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களில் 7 பேர் இலங்கையின் வடக்கு, கிழக்கு மாகாணங்களில் இருந்து தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டவர்கள். அவர்களில் மூவர் யாழ்ப்பாணம் மற்றும் கிளிநொச்சி நிருவாக மாவட்டங்களை உள்ளடக்கிய யாழ்ப்பாணம் தேர்தல் மாவட்டத்தில் இருந்து ” திசைகாட்டி ” சின்னத்தில் தெரிவானவர்கள் என்பது முக்கியமாக கவனிக்க வேண்டியதாகும்.

தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலைவர் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க 2024 செப்டெம்பர் 21 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் பதினான்கு மடங்கு பாய்ச்சலில் வெற்றி பெற்றார். 2019 நவம்பர் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் வெறுமனே 418, 553 (3.16 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளை மாத்திரமே பெற்ற திசாநாயக்க 2024 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் 5,634, 915 ( 42.31 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளைப் பெறக்கூடியதாக இருந்தது. இலங்கையின் ஒன்பதாவது நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதியாக பதவியேற்ற பிறகு அவர் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியை மிகவும் புகழ்மிக்கதொரு வெற்றிக்கு வழிநடத்தினார். 2020 பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் 445, 958 ( 3.28 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளைப் பெற்ற தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி இந்த தடவை அதன் வாக்குகளை பத்தொன்பது மடங்காக அதிகரித்தது. அதற்கு 6,863, 186 ( 61.6 சதவீதம் ) கிடைத்தது. திசாநாயக்கவின் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் வெற்றியை விடவும் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தல் வெற்றி கூடுதல் பாய்ச்சலுடன் பிரமாண்டமானதாக இருந்தது.

Continue reading ‘யாழ் தமிழ் தேசியவாதக் கோட்டைக்குள் பலமாக அடித்த “அநுர அலை”: ஆறு யாழ்ப்பாண ஆசனங்களில் மூன்றில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி வெற்றி.’ »

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

Whither politics of Tamil nationalism?

What is the future of Tamil nationalist politics in Sri Lanka? This question, which has arisen in the aftermath of the recent Parliamentary Elections, should not be viewed simply in terms of the future electoral prospects of Tamil parties. It is a question related to the anxiety regarding the prospects for the fulfillment of the legitimate political aspirations of the Tamil people.

The Tamil nationalist political parties that have represented the Tamil people of the north and east in Parliament for more than 15 years since the end of the civil war have suffered a major setback in this Parliamentary Election.

It seems difficult to expect that these parties, which have never shown any moral interest in introspecting on the reasons why the past struggles for the political rights of the Tamil people have not been fruitful, will look back and correct their political path after this defeat.

As a result of the Tamil nationalist parties splitting and contesting elections as different factions, the parliamentary representation of Tamils ​​from the north and east has been weakened even more than before. Tamil politicians had ignored the warnings given in advance in this regard.

Continue reading ‘As a result of the Tamil nationalist parties splitting and contesting elections as different factions, the parliamentary representation of Tamils ​​from the north and east has been weakened even more than before. Tamil politicians had ignored the warnings given in advance in this regard.’ »

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

Among the many historic ‘firsts’ that the November 2024 Parliamentary Elections witnessed, two achievements by the National People’s Power (NPP) have evinced the most attention.

The NPP’s landslide victory marks the first time since the introduction of the Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system in Sri Lanka that a single party or alliance has won a two-thirds majority in Parliament.
The NPP has won all but one of the 22 electoral districts in the country. What is particularly noteworthy about this victory is that the NPP has won more seats in all five electoral districts in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, except Batticaloa. The same is true in districts where Malaiyaha (hill country) Tamils live in large numbers.

For the first time, a Sinhalese-majority political party has won most of the seats in the districts of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, including the Jaffna District, which was considered a ‘fortress’ of Tamil nationalist politics.

For the first time in Sri Lanka’s electoral history, the NPP has received overwhelming support from voters across ethnic and religious lines, from north to south and from east to west. No politician or observer has yet been able to provide a proper objective interpretation of this historic victory.

Continue reading ‘The Tamil people had no other choice but to turn to the NPP because there was no political force among them that could lead them on a practical and sensible political path as an alternative to the Tamil parties.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

There is magic in the air! The country is in a festive mood. The toast of the town is a man called Anura Kumara Dissanayake who is the leader of two political parties namely the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP) and National People’s Power(NPP). AKD as he is popularly known was the victor in a Presidential election held two months ago. He followed it up last week by spearheading his party to victory in a Parliamentary election.

Dissanayake won the presidential election of September 21st 2024 in a gigantic leap. From 418,553(3.16%) votes in the 2019 presidential election, AKD increased his vote tally to 5,634,915 (42.31%) in the 2024 Presidential poll. After becoming the ninth executive president of Sri Lanka, Anura Kumara Dissanayake has led the NPP to a glorious triumph at the Parliamentary elections. From 445,958(3.28%) at the 2020 Parliamentary poll, the NPP increased its vote tally to 6,863,86 (61.6%) . This was more impressive than even AKD’s presidential poll success.

Speaking at his swearing in event, Anura Kumara Dissanayake stated that he was neither a magician nor miracle worker. Yet his remarkable rise in politics as well as the twin successes recorded in two successive elections exude the aura of a fairy tale fantasy.

The man and his political mission have naturally evoked great interest among a wide section of people. It is against this backdrop therefore that this column focuses on Sri Lankan President and leader of the JVP and NPP -Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

Thambuthegama

Continue reading ‘JVP, NPP and the Astounding Political Ascent of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

(The 35th anniversary of the “Maaveerar Naal”(Great Heroes Day) is on 27 November 2024)

November 27, 1989, was the day on which the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) first observed its annual “Maaveerar Naal” or Great Heroes Day (GHD). The event continues to be observed in Sri Lanka and by sections of the Global Tamil Diaspora despite the military debacle suffered by the LTTE in May 2009. The event has lost much of its lustre after the demise of Tiger supremo Veluppillai Prabhakaran.These are days of decline when compared to the manner in which Great heroes day was observed when the LTTE ruled the roost. Nevertheless, commemorating the fallen Tigers as great heroes annually remains an enduring Tiger legacy despite the LTTE being militarily decimated in Sri Lanka.

There is a mystique about “Maaveerar Naal” that has captured the imagination of a very large number of the Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora. What makes the GHD tick despite the debacle of Mullivaaikkal?

In that context the evolution and growth of the Great Heroes day event makes an interesting study. This writer has in the past written several articles on the topic. This article therefore draws liberally from my earlier writings. Let me begin by tracing in brief the history of this event.

Continue reading ‘The Birth and Growth of the “Maaveerar Naal” (Great Heroes Day) Event.’ »

By

Krishantha Prasad Cooray

This will be my first Christmas without my father, Eric Cooray, who passed away three months ago. Life has felt strange since that inevitable moment, one I always dreaded, while never anticipating just how difficult his loss would be to accept.

Almost every day starts and ends with thoughts of my father, from fond memories of my childhood to imagining how proud he would be of his beloved grandchildren. Throughout my life, he inspired me in countless ways. Even now, I draw so much strength from memories of him that it still feels like he is guiding me from the heavens, giving me the strength to keep moving forward.

I remember a day in April 2023 when my family bade farewell to him after a brief visit to Sri Lanka. We prayed together as we always did, but that time, my father struggled to finish. After I completed the Lord’s Prayer and Psalm 91 for him, he quietly confided in me, “Krisha, I am now getting weak.” It was a sombre statement, matter-of-factly trying to prepare me for what was to come.

A couple of months later, he fell ill, eventually becoming bedridden. He passed away about 15 months later, on 26 August 2024.

Continue reading ‘Remembering my father Eric Cooray for his unwavering faith, calm demeanour, and boundless kindness’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் ‘ இடதுசாரி ‘ நட்சத்திரம் – 6

ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுனவினதும் ( ஜே.வி.பி.) தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியினதும் தலைவர் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க 2019 நவம்பர் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் திசைகாட்டி சின்னத்தில் போட்டியிட்டார். வெறுமனே 418, 553 ( 3.16 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளைப் பெற்று மிகவும் அவர் பின்தங்கிய ஒரு மூன்றாவது இடத்துக்கு வந்தார். மோசமான தோல்வியைக் கண்டு அவர் துவண்டு போகவில்லை. தனது படிமத்தை புதுப்பித்துக்கொண்டு தனது கட்சியின் அரசியல் அணுகுமுறையை முற்றிலும் வேறுபட்டதாக மாற்றிக்கொண்டார்.

அதன் மூலமாக ஜே.வி.பி. தலைமையிலான தேசிய மககள் சக்தியில் அவரால் மெச்சத்தக்க ஒரு மறுமலர்ச்சியை ஏற்படுத்தக்கூடியதாக இருந்தது. 2024 செப்டெம்பர் 21 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க முதலாவதாக வந்தார். அரசியல் ரீதியில் அது ஒரு பிரமாண்டமான பாய்ச்சல். அவர் முதலாவது சுற்று வாக்கு எண்ணிக்கையில் 5, 634, 915 ( 42.31 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளையும் இரண்டாவது சுற்று எண்ணிக்கையில் 5, 740, 179 ( 55.89 சதவீதம் ) வாக்குகளையும் பெற்றார். அது உண்மையில் பிரபல்யமான ஒரு வெற்றியேயாகும்.

அரசியலில் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவின் கவனத்தை ஈர்க்கும் இந்த குறிப்பிடத்தக்க எழுச்சியை பல பாகங்கள் கொண்ட இந்த கட்டுரையில் ஏற்கெனவே விரிவாக எழுதியிருக்கிறேன். அவை றோஹண விஜேவீரவுக்கு பிறகு ஜே.வி.பி.யின் மறுபிறப்பும் வளர்ச்சியும், அந்த கட்சியின் அணிகளுக்கும் அநுராவின் சீரான வளர்ச்சி மற்றும் பரந்த சமூகத்தில் இருந்து விலகிநின்ற ஒரு கட்சி என்ற நிலையில் இருந்து பெருமளவுக்கு சமூகத்தில் பல தரப்புகளையும் அரவணைக்கின்ற ஒரு அரசியல் இயக்கமாக ஜே.வி.பி.யின் உருநிலை மாற்றம் ஆகியவற்றை பற்றியவையாக அமைந்தன. இந்த இறுதிப் பாகத்தில் 2024 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் அவர் திசைகாட்டி சின்னத்தில் போட்டியிட்டு எவ்வாறு வெற்றி பெற்றார் என்பதை விளக்குகிறது.

Continue reading ‘3 சதவீதத்தில் இருந்து 42 சதவீதமாக பதினான்கு மடங்கு பாய்ச்சலில் அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க எவ்வாறு ஜனாதிபதி பதவியை வென்றெடுத்தார்?’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The National People’s Power(NPP) known in Sinhala as Jathika Jana Balawegaya(JJB) and Theseeya Makkal Sakthi(TMS) in Tamil has recorded a historic victory in the Parliamentary elections held on 14 November 2024. The NPP is a coalition of 21 political entities and trade unions of which the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP) is the chief constituent. The NPP polled 6,863,86 (61.6%) votes to win 159 seats in the 225 member Parliament. Of these 141 are directly elected MPs on a district basis while 18 will be appointed as MPs from the national list.

This is the first time since the Proportional representation (PR)voting system came into force 46 years ago that a political party has been able to gain a two-thirds majority in Parliament. What is of great significance is that the NPP Parliamentarians have been elected from all 22 electoral districts of the country. Voters from Point Pedro in the North to Dondra in the South and from Chilaw in the West to Batticaloa in the East have elected NPP members to Parliament in this 2024 poll.

Among the 141 elected MPs there are 11 Tamils and 7 Muslim MPs. 7 of the 11 Tamil MPs have been elected from the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. More importantly three of the Tamil MPs were elected from the Jaffna electoral district comprising the administrative districts of Jaffna and Kilinochchi on the “Thisaikaatti”(Compass)ticket.

NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake won the presidential election of September 21st 2024 in a fourteen fold Quantum leap. From 418,553(3.16%)votes in the 2019 presidential election, AKD increased his vote tally to 5,634,915 (42.31%) in the 2024 Presidential poll. After becoming the ninth executive president of Sri Lanka, Anura Kumara Dissanayake has spearheaded the NPP to a glorious victory at the Parliamentary elections. From 445,958(3.28%) at the 2020 Parliamentary poll, the NPP increased its vote tally by nineteen times to 6,863,86 (61.6%) . This was a quantum leap more impressive than even AKD’s presidential poll success.

Continue reading ‘Anura “Alai”(Wave) Engulfs the Tamil Nationalist Stronghold of Jaffna. JVP/NPP Comes First in Jaffna with Three of Six Seats’ »

(Full Text of Address Delivered by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on 21 November 2024 at the Inauguration of the First Session of the Tenth Parliament)

Today is an exceptionally significant day in the history of our Parliament. For decades, political power in our country shifted back and forth between two main camps. However, during the last Presidential and General Elections, that political power was entrusted to a new camp, us. This marks a monumental moment in the history of Sri Lanka’s Parliament.

This mandate is a comprehensive one, encompassing numerous key aspects. Under our country’s established electoral system, this Parliament now includes the highest number of representatives ever elected under a singular mandate. This is a numerically significant achievement. However, beyond its quantitative value lies a qualitative strength: for the first time in a long while, the public mandate has brought about a political transformation that enabled the formation of a new government. People from all provinces—North, South, East, and West—representing diverse communities, contributed to this mandate.

No Room for Racism

I believe that for an extended period, the political framework in our country, and the bases of political power, were often shaped along regional, ethnic, or religious lines. Such political divisions inevitably resulted in growing alienation among communities. Suspicion and mistrust between different groups grew. When racism becomes the cornerstone of a political ideology, the unavoidable outcome is the emergence of counter- racism from opposing groups.

Racism in one part feeds and strengthens nationalism in another. This is a dynamic we have experienced throughout our country’s political and social history.

Yet, today, all communities across all provinces have trusted us and granted us this power. It is with profound gratitude that I extend my deepest respect and thanks to the people who trusted us.

At the same time, I also acknowledge that there are sections of the population that did not trust us but instead placed their faith in other political movements. They, too, are an integral part of this democratic process. That is the Nature of Democracy

Acceptance of a Multi-Party System.

Democracy is not about uniting all people under a single party or a single ideology. The essence of democracy lies in the coexistence of diverse political ideologies and groups. It thrives on the presence of political factions with varying economic and political perspectives. As a democratic state, we do not advocate for one-party rule. Instead, we embrace multi-party politics as a core principle of our democratic framework.

We are fully aware that there is a significant portion of the population who did not vote for us. It is the responsibility of our government to represent and address the needs and aspirations of allcitizens, regardless of whether they voted for us or not. Our commitment is to fulfil the expectations of every citizen of this nation.

Continue reading ‘“Today, all communities across all provinces have trusted us and granted us this power. It is with profound gratitude that I extend my deepest respect and thanks to the people who trusted us.”-President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Anura Kumara Dissanayake ; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka-PART SIX

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP)and National People’s Power(NPP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake contested the 2019 presidential election under the compass symbol.He finished a poor third with 418,553(3.16%) votes. Anura refused to be cowed down by that crushing defeat. AKD refurbished his image and re-invented the political approach of his party.

This enabled Anura to spearhead a commendable political renaissance of the JVP led NPP. As is well known , Anura Kumara Dissanayake finished first in the presidential election held on 24 September 2024. Politically, it was a gigantic quantum leap. AKD polled 5,634,915(42.31%) votes on the first count and 5,740,179(55.89%) on the second count. It was truly a famous victory!

The fascinating story of Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s remarkable rise in politics has been narrated in detail by me in this extended article of multiple parts published in the “Daily Mirror”. The article is essentially about the re-birth and growth of the JVP after Rohana Wijeweera, the steady rise of AKD within JVP folds and the transformation of the sectarian JVP into a more inclusive NPP. In this final part, the focus would be on how AKD contesting under the compass symbol won the 2024 presidential race.

How then did AKD make this quantum leap through which he increased his votes fourteenfold from 3% to 42% ? A preliminary survey indicates that about 80% of the votes cast for Gotabaya Rajapaksa in the 2019 presidential election were cast this time for Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Around 15% of the 69 Lakhs of Gota votes went to Ranil while the remainder was shared by Namal Rajapaksa and Dilith Jayaweera. With the wisdom of hindsight it seems clear that AKD had been mainly targeting Gota’s voters in the poll without overtly appearing to be doing so.

The rest of AKD’s votes came from two sectors. He seems to have got the majority of the youth vote especially the first time voters. The other sector was the Tamil and Muslim votes. Although Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe together polled much more than AKD in the districts of the North and East and Up country, Anura too increased his vote tally significantly in the districts where minority ethnicities are concentrated in 2024 when compared to 2019.

Continue reading ‘How Anura Kumara Dissanayake Won the Presidency in a Fourteen Fold Quantum Leap from 3% in 2019 to 42% in 2024.’ »

By

Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Wishes come true Not free.” (Stephen Sondheim, In to the Woods)

The Grimm version is known wider but the Turkish one cuts deeper. In both tales, the boy goes in search of fear and finds a crown. In the Grimm version, fear comes when a pail of cold water full of tiny fishes is thrown over the new king’s sleeping form. In the Turkish version, the new king contemplates his responsibilities – trying to make the poor rich and the bad good – and knows terror.

Walter Benjamin in Illuminations calls fairy tales the first tutor of mankind. The NPP/JVP has won the kind of victory political fairy tales are made of. The outlier capturing the ultimate prize at the end of a seeming impossible quest. On November 14, a majority of Sri Lankan voters, weary of ceaseless crises and longing for the much promised but never delivered “happily ever after” presented the NPP/JVP with not just a crown but also a governance magic wand.

The new government has enough power to do everything it has promised from alleviating economic misery and ending corruption to abolishing the executive presidency and enacting a new constitution.

The breadth and the depth of the NPP/JVP’s parliamentary victory was unimagined and unimaginable in rational and historical terms. The proportional representation system was crafted as a tsunami wall against electoral tidal waves. Yet the NPP/JVP breached it, gaining the supposedly impossible two thirds plus nine more seats.

And in the parliamentary electoral annals of Ceylon/Sri Lanka, no political formation has prevailed in the Sinhala South, the Tamil North, the Muslim East and the Malayaga Tamil Upcountry simultaneously. The NPP/JVP achieved that feat as well.

At the parliamentary election, the NPP/JVP made a substantial vote gain in relative and absolute terms: 22% – 1.23million votes. This too is unprecedented. When presidential and parliamentary elections are held in close proximity, the winner of the first also wins the second with an increased percentage and a decreased vote haul.

Continue reading ‘The breadth and the depth of the NPP/JVP’s parliamentary victory is unimagined and unimaginable in rational and historical terms. The new govt has enough power to do everything it has promised from alleviating economic misery and ending corruption to abolishing the executive presidency and enacting a new constitution.’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna [JVP or People’s Liberation Front], which leads Sri Lanka’s ruling National People’s Power [NPP], could not have risen to power without widening its appeal and building a mass support base over the last few years, and the current political moment affords the party a chance to rewrite its history, general secretary Tilvin Silva said.

“When you want to obtain power, you need a mass support base,” he said on Friday (November 15, 2024), just as the NPP’s resounding win in the November 14 general elections became evident.

Speaking to The Hindu at the party’s headquarters in Battaramulla near Colombo, Mr. Silva called the election win “a huge achievement”.

“In particular, the victory in Jaffna and in the upcountry area, where we were able to defeat deeply entrenched traditional parties and political families. This gives us a real chance to build a united country,” he said, referring to the JVP’s historic win in the Tamil-majority northern district.

The party that once vehemently opposed Tamils’ political rights won three seats in Jaffna, outdoing traditional Tamil parties that were the community’s main voice in national politics.

In Nuwara Eliya district, in the central hill country that is home to Sri Lanka’s famed tea estates and Malaiyaha Tamils who toil in them, the NPP won five seats and nearly 42% of the vote share.

Continue reading ‘“Marxism is not a set philosophy. It is really about providing answers to people’s problems at a particular time and context. We are committed to doing that through development, eliminating rural poverty, rooting out political corruption, achieving social justice and national unity We want to build a clean and beautiful Sri Lanka.” – JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva.’ »

By

Krishantha Prasad Cooray

For the first time since the enactment of the 1978 Constitution and the advent of the system of proportional representation, the Sri Lankan people have united to confer a two-third majority of its legislative power to a single party, Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s National People’s Power. It also marks the first time that Sri Lankans of all ethnicities across the country all spoke with a single voice, and placed their faith in a single leader.

In one fell swoop, Sri Lanka made clear that it has had enough of race baiting, nepotism, class warfare, corruption, cronyism, political vendettas and rank incompetence.

They saw in President Anura Kumara Dissanayake a leader who they could trust, who sincerely cared for them, who would work hard for them, has no interest in political theatrics and amassing power for himself.

The people could be no clearer – their patience for drama and pettiness has clearly run out.

Continue reading ‘The Historic 2024 Parliamentary Election marks the first time that Sri Lankans of all ethnicities across the country spoke with a single voice, and placed their faith in a single leader- Anura Kumara Dissanayake’ »

By Maneshka Borham

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s National People’s Power (NPP) has achieved a landmark victory in the 2024 Parliamentary Election on Thursday, securing an impressive 159 seats and a commanding supermajority in Parliament.

Apart from emerging as the unifying force of Sri Lanka especially winning districts in North and East except Batticaloa, this election victory by NPP was one for the history books, breaking records and setting multiple historic milestones as the results unfolded.

Dissanayake’s NPP achieved the highest percentage ever obtained by a party in a General Election, securing 61.56% of the total vote, surpassing the previous record of 60.33% set by the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in 2010.

The NPP also made history by winning 152 electoral divisions, the highest number ever achieved in a General Election, surpassing the previous record of 136 electoral divisions by the UPFA.

Continue reading ‘President Anura Kumara Dissanayake-led National People’s Power Emerges as the Unifying Force of Sri Lanka’ »

Sri Lanka’s National People’s Power of President Anura Dissanayake has swept the 2024 parliamentary elections raking in a two thirds majority winning 159 out of 225 seats in the assembly.

The NPP painted the island winning across ethnicities and religious groups and made history winning the Northern Jaffna district.

Since the preferential votes started under the current constitution, no single party on its own has been able to get such a majority.

Sri Lanka’s Samagi Jana Balawegaya headed by Sajith Premadasa was a distant second with 40 seats, in a poll with the lowest turnout since 2010.

Continue reading ‘President AK Dissanayake’s JVP led NPP With 159 Seats Makes History as First Party to get Two-thirds Majority under PR Voting System ; SJB -40,ITAK-8,NDF/UNP-6,SLPP-3,SLMC-3, One MP each for ACMC, DTNA, SB, ACTC, SLLP&Independent Group 14’ »

By

Shihar Aneez

Sri Lanka’s parliamentary election results showed unity among the island nation’s different ethnic and religious people in backing President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s request for a clean parliament, but a weaker opposition that could threaten the country’s fragile democracy.

President Dissanayake’s Marxists Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led ruling National People’s Power (NPP) recorded a landslide victory, winning 159 seats in the 225-member parliament.

The election saw ethnic majority Sinhalese along with minority Tamils and Muslims voting for the NPP, which campaigned for “Fill parliament with compass”.

Compass is the symbol of NPP.

For the first time in history, Sri Lanka saw all Tamil-dominated Northern districts and Muslim-dominated Eastern districts backing the NPP as much as Sinhalese-dominated Southern districts.

Continue reading ‘Sri Lanka’s Majority Sinhalese as well as Minority Tamils and Muslims Unitedly Responding Positively to President Dissanayake’s Call for a Clean Parliament by Electing 159 MPs but Depleted Weak Opposition may Threaten Fragile Democracy’ »

By Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Gaza was the first time I held a baby’s brains in my hand. The first of many.” – Dr. Mark Perlmutter, orthopaedic and hand surgeon (Open letter from American medical professionals who served in Gaza https://www.gazahealthcareletters.org/usa-letter-oct-2-2024)

Last December, a group of ultra-religious Israeli soldiers turned a Palestinian home in the Gaza city of Beit Hanoun into a Chabad House.

The structure at the centre of the Arugam Bay terror scare is also a Chabad House.

Chabad House is not a synonym for synagogue. It is a religious space belonging to a particular Jewish sect, the Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic Movement. Founded in the 18th Century among more conservative and non-assimilated Eastern European Jews, this Orthodox Jewish movement is spreading fast across the globe currently. The problem with this expansion is not the Movement’s religion, but its politics.

Almost a millennia old, Beit Hanoun was home to nearly 20,000 Palestinians before Israel’s war on Gaza began. Today it is a mere shell, its Palestinian population either dead or struggling to hold on to life in makeshift camps. The Israeli soldiers who set up a Chabad House in a Palestinian home obviously see it as the precursor of many such religious spaces in an occupied and annexed Gaza.

The Chabad-Lubavitch Movement is totally opposed to Palestinian statehood. It wants Israel to become a Jewish state occupying all Biblical lands (which include not just Gaza and the West Bank but also Jordan and parts of Syria and Turkey). Think of an Israeli Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) on steroids. Lots of steroids.

And successive Lankan governments permitted this extremist Jewish movement to establish an outpost in Muslim-majority Arugam Bay!

The setting up of the ‘first Chabad-House in Gaza,’ while ignored by mainstream media, went viral on social media. Dr. Andreas Krieg of the School of Security Studies at King’s College, London, reacting to a post on X celebrating this encroachment, warned that it “potentially puts 1000s of Jewish Chabad Houses in the world at risk…” (https://x.com/andreas_krieg/status/1732673779548004525). Like, possibly, in Arugam Bay.

Welcoming Israeli tourists is not the same as allowing members of a right-wing Jewish sect opposed to Palestinian statehood and indifferent to Palestinian suffering to set up religious places and buy land (through proxies) in Sri Lanka. The first is the civilised thing to do and economically helpful. The second is morally wrong and politically suicidal, especially now, when direct Palestinian death toll in Gaza has surpassed 42,000 and the Netanyahu government is steadily widening the theatre of war to Lebanon, Iran, and possibly, beyond.

Banning all Israeli tourists would be anti-Semitic and wrong. But the Chabad-Lubavitch Movement should not be allowed to spread its tentacles in Sri Lanka. While all Israeli tourists should be welcomed – and protected, when necessary – the Chabad House should be closed down and long-term visas denied to members of the Movement.

How would Israel react if a group of Sinhala tourists wrangle long term visas and set up a Buddhist temple in, say, Haifa?

As the Arugam Bay terror drama was unfolding, media reports mentioned a ‘demonstration by locals’ in support of Israeli tourists. The participants carried Israeli flags, and had the look of the kind of demonstrators the Rajapaksas used to conjure up against various enemies.

Continue reading ‘Who is the mysterious Israeli staying in Arugam Bay for the last three years who has been provided with special security consisting of two members of the MSD, two army soldiers, several members of the police, and civil defence force?’ »

Sri Lanka President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s National People’s Power is heading for a landslide in the 2024 parliamentary elections, and is on track for a two – thirds majority, results released so far show.

The NPP contesting under its Malimawa also became the largest party in Jaffna, overtaking traditional parties in the area, radically improving its performance from September presidential polls.

Sri Lanka went to polls in a stabilization crisis coming after the worst currency collapse in the history of the island’s central bank, which ended in a sovereign default.

Continue reading ‘President Anura Dissanayake’s National People’s Power Contesting Under Compass Symbol Heads for Landslide Victory with Two-Thirds Majority: JVPled NPP Wins 65% of Votes Declared so far’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Thursday (November 14, 2024) said he expects his National People’s Power (NPP) alliance to secure a “strong presence” in Parliament to steer the island nation ahead with a “new political culture”.

Addressing the media after casting his vote in the island nation’s general elections, Mr. Dissanayake said the NPP aims to run a government that is accepted by people in the “north, south, east, and west”.

The 55-year-old leftist leader rose to the country’s most powerful office two months ago, winning a crucial presidential election on a plank anti-corruption, promising “change” in political culture.

Continue reading ‘President Anura Kumara Dissanayake says The NPP will Will Run a Government that is Accepted by People in the North,, South,East and West” of Sri Lanka; Hopes to Steer Island Nation ahead with a New Political Culture and Strong Presence in Parliament’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

Sri Lanka’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Sunday (November 10, 2024) assured Tamils that their land —currently held by state agencies — will be returned by his government.

Mr. Dissanayake, who was elected to the country’s top office in September, made the pledge at a public rally in Jaffna, days ahead of Sri Lanka’s November 14 parliamentary polls. His promise evoked instant cheer and applause from the sizeable crowd gathered at an open ground adjoining St. Anthony’s Church in the coastal suburb of Passaiyoor.

Over the last few years, Tamils living across the island’s war-affected north and east have been agitating to reclaim their lands that state agencies, including the archaeology and forest departments, have forcibly taken over.

Further, Mr. Dissanayake said elections to the country’s now-defunct provincial councils and local bodies will be held soon. “We will make sure that your own representatives can lead and govern your areas,” he said, in his first rally in the Tamil-majority area after being elected President. All the same, he made no direct reference to Tamils’ enduring demand for greater power devolution and a political settlement to the ethnic question that his manifesto said would be addressed through a new constitution.

The scale of Sunday’s meeting as well as locals’ participation appeared starkly different to his last public meeting in Jaffna, that was held in an indoor auditorium with a significantly smaller crowd, ahead of the presidential polls. In the September 21 Presidential election, former Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa emerged the most popular candidate in Tamil-majority areas.

Continue reading ‘President Anura Dissanayake Addressing Meeting in Jaffna Assures Tamils that their Lands Seized by the State would be returned to them but makes no reference to Greater Power Devolution or a Political Settlement to the Ethnic Question’ »

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By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

(Article Denoting Kamal Haasan’s 70th Birth Anniversary on 7 November 2024)

Srinivasan Kamal Haasan known popularly as Kamal Haasan and/or Kamal is arguably the finest actor in Tamil cinema today. He is also acknowledged as being one of India’s foremost thespians.The multi-faceted artiste is a film director, producer, screenwriter, film lyricist, poet, dancer, choreographer and playback singer.

The 70 year old actor, whose screen debut was in 1960 as a child artiste, has acted in 233 films and won many awards and laurels. His adulatory fans hail their idol as “Ulaga Naayagan” or global hero.

Kamal Haasan has often been compared to Hollywood’s Tom Cruise as an action hero though the former’s acting skills are far above those of the latter.

Child Artiste 1960

Kamal was born in Paramakkudi in the Ramanathapuram district of Tamil Nadu, India, on 7 November, 1954. He was the youngest of four children. His father Srinivasan was a lawyer and mother Rajalakshmi a housewife. Kamal acted first as a six-year-old in the film “Kalaathoor Kannammaa” in 1960.He won the Indian President’s gold medal for a child artiste then. After a few more films as a child actor- during which time he acted along with the top Tamil trio – MGR, Sivaji and Gemini- Kamal went off-screen for some years.

Kamal was educated at Hindu Higher Secondary School in Thiruvallikerny (Triplicame) in Chenni. He dropped out of school early before completing his Secondary School Leaving Certificate (SSLC) studies. His enlightened parents allowed him to pursue a career in the arts instead of forcing him to follow conventional courses of study.

Continue reading ‘Multi-faceted Tamil Actor Kamal Haasan is a Great Intellectual Among Indian Film Stars.’ »

By

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

This week’s Parliamentary Elections in Sri Lanka are taking place in a situation where the country’s political landscape has changed to a greater extent than during previous Parliamentary Polls.

None of the traditional mainstream political parties are asking the people to vote in order to bring them to power. Their leaders are asking for votes to function in Parliament as a strong Opposition.

Meanwhile, the National People’s Power (NPP) led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is asking the people for a strong parliamentary majority to run the Government in an orderly manner, saying that nothing like a two-thirds or five-sixths majority is needed. Campaign speeches and media interviews of many of its leaders bear this out.

However, President Dissanayake and the only Government Minister, Vijitha Herath, asked the people at the start of the election campaign to fill the Parliament with members of the NPP, saying that there was no need for an Opposition. This was fiercely criticised by political parties and civil society.

Opposition politicians, especially former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Leader Sajith Premadasa, are taking extra care in finding fault with President Dissanayake’s one-and-a-half-month rule and propagating the idea that the NPP leaders do not have the ability and experience to rule the country for a longer period. They are attempting to create an impression that the people have started losing faith in the NPP within a short span of time.
It is not believable that this time the people will deviate from the custom or behaviour of supporting the party that won the Presidential Election and bringing it to office through the next Parliamentary Elections.

The Opposition parties do not know what to say to the people in order to ask for their votes. It is certain that people will give a clear mandate to the NPP to form a strong government with a working majority to facilitate the fulfilment of President Dissanayake’s promises.

Electoral situation in the north and east

Against the backdrop of such a situation in the south, the electoral situation in the Northern and Eastern Provinces remains very much confusing. It is feared that the representation of minority communities, especially of Tamil people, in the next Parliament will not be cohesive and that there is a possibility that each Tamil party may come to Parliament with only one or two members.

Continue reading ‘The Tamil polity is severely fragmented today as a result of the leaders of Tamil Political parties acting without foresight and failing to realise their historic responsibilities’ »

By

Susitha Fernando

Passed out as a lawyer from the Colombo Law College and having two Master-LLM from the University of Colombo and a LLM and Development as a Chevening Scholar at School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, young activist Swastika Arulingam was a prominent figure in the Aragalaya (Protest) which toppled the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government.

She has been a fearless voice and as a legal representative played her part to protect those who were beaten up by political goons of Rajapaksa government and those taken into custody and incarcerated on various allegations.

Representing the minority Tamils and female community, Swasthika has been a symbol of courage and justice for many young men and women. Displaced from the North during the height of war and settled in Colombo, Swasthika studied at Ladies’ College, Colombo and was into activism as soon as she passed out as an attorney-at-law.

She joined the Legal Aid Commission to start her first job. Swasthika has fought on behalf of marginalised and oppressed individuals who were denied of justice.

Going a step further she took up the role to champion for the rights of workers and became the presidents of the Commercial and Industrial Workers Union (CIWU) in 2022 and the United Federation of Labour (UFL) in 2023.

Fighting for a system change against the traditional political system in the country, Swasthika together with other leaders at the Aragalaya campaign- which was started at Galle Face- formed the People Struggle Alliance (PSA), a political movement to win the mandate of the people. She is contesting from the Colombo District at the upcoming Parliamentary Elections.

Excerpts:

Having started as a displaced person due to the civil war in North, what inspired you to become an activist and a fighter for human rights?

Continue reading ‘“ Parliament must be inclusive and representative of all ethnicities, caste and gender. It must also be a space where workers have representatives to speak for them. I am a woman, a Tamil and a Trade Unionist. The people and the politics we represent must have a space in Parliament.”- An Interview with Swasthika Arulingam’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Anura Kumara Dissanayake ; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka-PART FIVE

The Presidential election of November 2019 and the Parliamentary elections of August 2020 proved to be huge disappointments to the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP) and its leader Anura Kumara Dissanauyake(AKD). As is well known, the JVP had in a strategic move, contested both polls as part of a new political front under a fresh symbol ,the compass (Malimawa/Thisaikaatti). The JVP formed a broad political front named National People’s Front(NPP) called Jathika Jana Balawegaya in Sinhala and Theseeya Makkal Sakthi in Tamil. Nominally the JVP was a first among equals in the NPP but in practice , the JVP was the dominant entity in the NPP and was in control.

The JVP clad itself in NPP attire for a single and simple reason. The JVP wanted to capture power through the ballot. It had twice tried to overthrow the Sri Lankan state through the bullet and failed both times. Although the JVP had hundreds of dedicated party activists and their mass meetings were attended by thousands of people, the crimson comrades found themselves unable to garner votes beyond a certain limit. It appeared that the JVP destiny was to be the third party in Parliament and be the perpetual third force in Sri Lankan politics.

The JVP therefore needed to re-invent itself as the JVP-led NPP. The content would be the same but the form would appear to be different. The JVP required this NPP makeover for two reasons. Firstly it wanted the older generation who experienced JVP atrocities in the past to “forget”them and believe in a reformed JVP transformed into the new NPP. Secondly the JVP wanted to attract the younger generation by promoting itself as the progressive NPP and live down the violent past.

Old JVP Wine in New NPP Bottle

Despite the optimism of the JVP, the JVP led NPP fared poorly in both the 2019 and 2020 polls. It seemed as if the Sri Lankan voters had seen through the JVP ruse and recognized that the change in nomenclature was merely a case of old JVP wine in a new NPP bottle. Furthermore the electoral results indicated that the Party had done better as the JVP in the polls when compared to the new Avatar NPP.

Continue reading ‘Scenting the Sweet Smell of Success! How and Why Anura Kumara Dissanayake Anticipated Victory in the 2024 Presidential Race.’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

Regardless of the decisive change in Sri Lanka’s national politics — with the election of Anura Kumara Dissanayake in September this year — the country’s Tamil people will need strong representation in Parliament to assert their rights and long-neglected demands, according to prominent Tamil politician M.A. Sumanthiran.

A senior lawyer and three-time legislator, he is contesting in the November 14 parliamentary elections from the northern Jaffna district for the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), a party that has for decades been the main Tamil voice in the Sri Lankan legislature, including through the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that it led since 2001. In the last Parliament [2020-2024], the grouping had 10 MPs, six down from between 2015 and 2019.

The grave economic crisis of 2022, which led to a historic people’s movement that ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa from office, has substantially altered Sri Lanka’s political and electoral landscapes. Traditional parties and several longtime politicians have been ejected.

“The ITAK is telling voters that there has been a change at the Centre, a third force has come to power. If the new dispensation brings in far reaching changes in governance structure, the Tamils need strong representation in Parliament to assert our rights as a distinct people living in the north and east of the country,” Mr. Sumanthiran said.

Observing that the Tamil people have been agitating for their political rights for 75 years he said the ITAK, which is the “main Tamil party”, has been a proponent of a federal solution.

Meanwhile, the party has also been grappling with many challenges, ranging from internal differences to the breakup of its broader alliance that was held together by ITAK veteran Rajavarothiam Sampanthan, who passed away in July this year at 91.

Continue reading ‘With the election of Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Sep 2024 the country’s Tamil people will need strong representation in Parliament to assert their rights and long-neglected demands says ITAK Spokesperson M.A.Sumanthiran’ »

டி.பி.எஸ்.ஜெயராஜ்

அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் ‘ இடதுசாரி ‘ நட்சத்திரம் – 5

ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன (ஜே.வி.பி.) வுக்கும் அதன் தலைவர் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவுக்கும் 2019 நவம்பர் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலும் 2020 ஆகஸ்ட் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலும் பெரிய ஏமாற்றமாகப் போரவிட்டது. ஒரு தந்திரோபாய நகர்வாகவே ஜே.வி.பி. அந்த இரு தேர்தல்களிலும் திசைகாட்டி புதிய சின்னத்தின் கீழ் புதியதொரு அரசியல் முன்னணியின் அங்கமாக போட்டியிட்டது. அந்த கட்சி தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி என்ற பரந்த ஒரு முன்னணியை அமைத்துக்கொண்டது. பெயரளவில் சமத்துவமான அமைப்புக்கள் மத்தியில் முதலாவதாக தோன்றினாலும், நடைமுறையில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியைக் கட்டுப்பாட்டில் வைத்திருக்கும் ஆதிக்கம் கொண்ட கட்சியாக அதுவே விளங்கியது.

ஒரேயொரு எளிமையான காரணத்துக்காகவே ஜே.வி.பி. தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி என்ற ஆடையை அணிந்துகொண்டது. தேர்தல் மூலம் அதிகாரத்தைக் கைப்பற்ற அது விரும்பியது. ஆயுதப் போராட்டத்தின் மூலம் இலங்கை அரசைத் தூக்கியெறிய ஜே.வி.பி. இரு தடவைகள் முயற்சித்தது. இரு முயற்சிகளும் தோல்வியடைந்தன. நூற்றுக் கணக்கான அர்ப்பணிப்புச் சிந்தையுடைய செயற்பாட்டாளர்களை கொண்டிருந்த ஜே.வி.பி.யின் பொதுக் கூட்டங்களில் ஆயிரக்கணக்கில் மக்கள் கலந்துகொண்டாலும் கூட, குறிப்பிட்ட ஒரு எல்லைக்கு அப்பால் தங்களால் வாக்குகளைப் பெறமுடியாமல் இருக்கிறது என்பதைை செஞ்சட்டைத் தோழர்கள் கண்டுகொண்டார்கள். பாராளுமன்றத்தில் மூன்றாவது கட்சியாகவும் இலங்கை அரசியலில் நிலையான மூன்றாவது சக்தியாகவும் இருக்கவேண்டியதே ஜே.வி.பி.யின் விதியாகிப் போய்விட்டது போன்று தோன்றியது.

அதனால் ஜே.வி.பி. அதன் தலைமையிலான தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி என்ற புதிய தோற்றத்தைக் காட்டிக்கொள்ள வேண்டிய தேவை ஏற்பட்டது. உள்ளடக்கம் ஒன்று தான் ஆனால் வடிவத்தில் அது வேறுபட்டதாக தோன்றும். தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி என்ற தோற்றமாற்றம் இரு காரணங்களுக்காக ஜே.வி.பி.க்கு தேவைப்பட்டது. முதலாவதாக, கடந்த காலத்தில் ஜே.வி.பி.யின் அட்டூழியங்களை அனுபவித்த பழைய தலைமுறையினர் அவற்றை மறந்து புதிய தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியாக மறுசீரமைப்புக்குள்ளாகிவிட்டதாக அவர்கள் நம்பிக்கை வைக்க வேண்டும் ஜே.வி.பி. விரும்பியது. இரண்டாவதாக, வன்முறைக் கடந்த காலத்தை மறந்து முற்போக்கான தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியாக மாற்றம் பெற்றுவிட்டதை காட்டுவதன் மூலமாக இளந் தலைமுறையினரை கவருவதற்கு ஜே.வி.பி. விரும்பியது.

புதிய மொந்தையில் பழைய கள்ளு

ஜே.வி.பி. நம்பிக்கையுடன் செயற்பட்டபோதிலும், 2019 ஆம் ஆண்டிலும் 2020 ஆம் ஆண்டிலும் தேர்த்களில் மிகவும் குறைந்தளவு வாக்குகளையே தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியினால் பெறக்கூடியதாக இருந்தது. பெயரளவில் புதிய தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியாக தோன்றினாலும், அது பழைய ஜே.வி.பி.யே, அதாவது புதிய மொந்தையில் பழைய கள்ளு என்றே அதை மக்கள் நோக்கினார்கள் போன்று தோன்றியது. மேலும், புதிய அவதாரமான தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியுடன் ஒப்பிடும்போது ஜே.வி.பி.யாக கூடுதல் வாக்குகளை பெற்றிருந்ததை தேர்தல் முடிவுகள் வெளிக்காட்டின.

Continue reading ‘2024 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் வெற்றியின் வாசனையை அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க எவ்வாறு முகர்ந்து பிடித்தார்?’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Anura Kumara Dissanayake ; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka-PART FOUR

This is the fourth part of an extended article focusing on Sri Lanka’s newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. In the first part of this article , the early years of Anura’s eventful life were delved into in some detail. In the second part, AKD’s steady growth as a political leader within the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was related to some extent. In the third part, Anura’s rise to the leadership position of the JVP was recounted. The story of how the JVP transformed itself as leader of the NPP alliance under AK Dissanayake will be narrated in this fourth part.

February 2nd 2014 was a red letter day in the life of Anura Kumara Dissanayake. It was on this day that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s 17th national convention was held. The highlight of that convention was the change of leadership in the JVP. Somawansa Amerasinghe who held the reins for 24 years stepped down . Anura Kumara Dissanayake known popularly as Anura and AKD became the new JVP leader.

Prior to the convention, it was generally known that Somawansa was going to retire as JVP leader. The ‘unknown”was his future successor. The names of JVP stalwarts such as K.D. Lalkantha, Tilvin Silva, Vijitha Herath, Sunil Handunneththi, Bimal Ratnayake and Anura Kumara Dissanayake were bandied about as potential successors.. Among these the General Secretary Tilvin Silva was tipped to be the new leader.

After announcing his “retirement” as JVP leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe, proposed the name of AK Dissanayake as the new leader.It was seconded by Tilvin Silva himself. The proposal was approved unanimously. Tilvin Silva and Vijitha Herath were re-elected as General secretary and Propaganda secretary respectively. Bimal Ratnayake was elected as national organizer while the retired leader Somawansa Amerasinghe was appointed as International affairs secretary.

What was remarkable about the leadership change was the smooth ,non-confrontational manner in which it was done. There was a visible absence of inner-party squabbling or factionalism that is prevalent in most political parties in Sri Lanka. Anura had endeared himself to most members of the JVP over the years and was therefore acceptable to all. Besides the party was somewhat weakened and de-moralised after the Wimal Weerawansa faction split of 2008 and the Kumar Gunaratnam group split of 2012. The JVP required a renewed sense of direction under a fresh leader and AKD seemed to fit that bill.

Continue reading ‘How and Why the JVP led by Anura Dissanayake Formed the National People’s Power (NPP) in 2019.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் ‘ இடதுசாரி ‘ நட்சத்திரம் – 4

இலங்கையின் புதிய ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்வை பற்றிய எனது கட்டுரைத் தொடரின் நான்காவது பாகம் இதுவாகும். முதலாவது பாகத்தில் நிகழவுகள் நிறைந்த அவரது ஆரம்ப வாழ்க்கையையும் இரண்டாவது பாகத்தில் ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன( ஜே வி.பி.) வுக்குள் அவரின் படிப்படியான சீரான வளர்ச்சி பற்றியும் மூன்றாவது பாகத்தில் ஜே.வி.பி.யின் தலைமைத்துவத்துக்கு அவரின் உயர்வு பற்றியும் எழுதியிருந்தேன்.

இந்த நான்காவது பாகத்தில் திசாநாயக்கவின் தலைமையில் ஜே.வி.பி. எவ்வாறு தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலையைத்துவ கட்சியாக மாற்றம் பெற்றது என்பதை விளக்குகிறேன்.

அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவின் வாழ்வில் 2014 பெப்ரவரி 2 ஆம் திகதி ஒரு முக்கியமான தினமாகும். அந்த தினத்தில்தான் ஜே.வி.பி.யின் 17 வது தேசிய மகாநாடு நடைபெற்றது. கட்சியின் தலைமைத்துவத்தில் ஏற்பட்ட மாற்றமே அந்த மகாநாட்டின் சிறப்பாக அமைந்தது. 24 வருடங்களாக ஜே.வி.பி.யின் தலைவராக இருந்து வந்த சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க பதவியில் இருந்து இறங்கினார். அநுரா அல்லது ஏ.கே.டி. என்று பிரபலமாக அறியப்பட்ட அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ஜே.வி.பி.யின் புதிய தலைவராக வந்தார்.

சோமவன்ச தலைவர் பதவியில் இருந்து ஓய்வுபெறப் போகின்றார் என்பது மகாநாட்டுக்கு முன்னதாகவே பொதுவாக தெரிய வந்தது. எதிர்காலத் தலைவர் யார் என்பதே தெரியாமல் இருந்தது. புதிய தலைவராக வரக்கூடியவர்கள் என்று கே.டி.லால்காந்த, ரில்வின் சில்வா, விஜித ஹேரத், சுனில் ஹந்துன்னெத்தி, பிமால் இரத்நாயக்க மற்றும் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க ஆகியோரின் பெயர்கள் பரவலாக அடிபட்டன.இவர்களில் ரில்வின் சில்வாவே பெரும்பாலும் புதிய தலைவராக தெரிவாவார் என்று நம்பப்பட்டது.

ஜே.வி.பி.யின் தலைவர் என்ற வகையில் தனது ஓய்வை அறிவித்த சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க புதிய தலைவராக அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவின் பெயரை முன்மொழிந்தார். ரில்வின் சில்வாவே அவரை வழிமொழிந்தார். பிரேரணை ஏகமனதாக அங்கீகரிக்கப்பட்டது. ரில்வின் சில்வாவும் விஜித ஹேரத்தும் முறையே பொதுச் செயலாளராகவும் பிரசாரச் செயலாளராகவும் மீண்டும் தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டனர். தேசிய அயைப்பாளராக பிமால் இரத்நாயக்க தெரிவான அதேவேளை ஓய்வை அறிவித்த தலைவர் சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க சர்வதேச விவகார செயலாளராக நியமிக்கப்பட்டார்.

தலைமைத்துவ மாற்றம் முரண்பாடு எதுவும் இல்லாததாக சுமுகமாக இடம்பெற்றதே முக்கியமாக குறிப்பிடத்தக்க அம்சமாக இருந்தது. இலங்கையில் பெரும்பாலான கட்சிகளில் நிலவும் உட்பூசலையும் குழுவாதத்தையும் அங்கு காணமுடியவில்லை. பல வருடங்களாக ஜே.வி.பி.யின் பெரும்பாலான உறுப்பினர்களின் நேசத்துக்குரியவராக அநுரா விளங்கி வந்ததால் எல்லோருக்கும் ஏற்புடையவராக இருந்தார். 2008 ஆம் ஆண்டில் விமல் வீரவன்ச குழுவினரதும் 2012 ஆம் ஆண்டில் குமார் குணரத்தினம் குழுவினரதும் பிளவுகளை அடுத்து கட்சி ஓரளவுக்கு பலவீனப்பட்டு உறுப்பினர்கள் மத்தியில் உறுதி குன்றிப் போயிருந்தது. புதிய ஒரு தலைவரின் கீழ் புதிய ஒரு செல்நெறி ஜே.வி.பி.க்கு அவசியமாக தேவைப்பட்டது. அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க அதற்கு மிகவும் பொருத்தமானவராக தெரிந்தார்.

Continue reading ‘அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்கவும் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் உருவாக்கமும்’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

25th Death Anniversary Commemoration on 30 October 2024

The 25th death anniversary of Plantation Tamil Patriarch Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman is being commemorated today 30 October 2024. Saumiyamoorthy (name is spelled as Savimiyamoorthy and Saumiamurthy also) Thondaman who passed away on 30 October 1999, was the undisputed leader of Sri Lanka’s predominantly Indian Tamil plantation proletariat. As a journalist, I have had the good fortune of interacting with him closely for several years. He was a leader whom I liked, admired and respected.

In my opinion, Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was the shrewdest tactician and masterful strategist among Tamil political leaders in recent times. He was a pragmatic realist who grasped in essence that politics is the art of the possible. Applying Chanakyan methods in a practical sense, this larger than life leader of Sri Lanka’s Tamils of recent Indian origin – known as “Indian Tamils” – helped usher in a period of political empowerment and renaissance to his community.

I have often wistfully compared and contrasted Thondaman with the leaders thrown up by the Sri Lankan Tamils of the Northern and Eastern Provinces and bemoaned the fact that there were and are no leaders of Thonda’s acumen, sagacity and experience amongst them.

Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was born in Munapudoor in what was then the Madras Presidency of India during British rule on 30 August 1913. It is now in the Sivagangai district of Tamil Nadu state. He died of a myocardial infarction at the Sri Jayewardenepura Hospital in Colombo on 30 October 1999. This article therefore pays tribute to Thondaman’s memory on his 25th death anniversary.

Continue reading ‘Ceylon Workers Congress President Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was the Dynamic Leader of Sri Lanka’s Hill Country Tamils for many Decades.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Is the “House of Rajapaksa” Falling Down? was the heading of an article written by me for our sister paper the “Daily Mirror” two and a half years ago. The article was published on 23 April 2022 when the “Aragalaya”(struggle) protests were going on. The article focused on the Rajapaksa family and its struggle to stay afloat in power despite the rising tide of public resentment and anger.The following two paragraphs are excerpted from that article.-

“At one point in time the Rajapaksas seemed all-powerful and invincible. Today the wheel has turned full circle. The Rajapaksa brand is crumbling. The House of Rajapaksa is tumbling. The reasons are well-known and need no elaboration at this juncture. The agitation at Galle Face in particular and the related protests in different parts of the country in general are all focused on ousting the Rajapaksas from power. Initially it seemed that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was the sole target. Subsequently the protest enlarged into one demanding the exit of the entire Rajapaksa clan and a return of the loot allegedly robbed by the family over the years. “

“One thing however is crystal clear. President Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Rajapaksa and their Govt. may be able to withstand the protests and stay in power without stepping down but their effectiveness would diminish. The Rajapaksa regime would only be a ‘lame duck’ Govt. Furthermore it is highly unlikely that the Rajapaksas would be able to regain power and prestige as a dominant political dynasty again. Individual Rajapaksas could remain in politics but being a dominant political family again seems out of the question. The House of Rajapaksa may not see a total political downfall but it is certainly falling down.”

As is well known the house of Rajapaksa did fall . With Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s exit and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s entry ,effective power shifted from the Rajapaksas to Wickremesinghe. The Rajapaksa dynasty’s political power and influence began eroding.This was made clear when the Presidential elections were held this year. When the Rajapaksas backstabbed Wickremesinghe by refusing to support his candidacy,over 90 MPs of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna(SLPP) crossed over to Ranil’s side.

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s eldest son and crown prince of the Rajapaksa dynasty Namal Rajapaksa contested as the SLPP candidate in the presidential election held on September 21st. He fared miserably polling only 342,781 (2.57%) votes. Moreover Namal Rajapaksa was trounced in the family citadel of Hambantota district. Fearing perhaps another drubbing, Namal has refrained from contesting the Parliament election scheduled for November 14th. He has opted to be on the national list.

Thus for the first time in about eight decades, a member of the Rajapaksa dynasty will not be contesting from Hambantota district in an election to the legislature. Namal’s first cousins Shasheendra Rajapaksa and Nipuna Ranawaka will be contesting from the Moneragala and Matara districts respectively but none from the Medamulana clan are in the field on their home turf Hambantota.

This shows that the Rajapaksa moon has waned. It remains to be seen as to whether it would wax again. What is certain however is the fact that the Rajapaksa political dynasty has reached a dead end. It is against this backdrop therefore that this column -with the aid of earlier writings – traces the political rise and fall of the Rajapaksa dynasty this week.

Continue reading ‘The Rise and Fall of the Medamulana Rajapaksa Dynasty.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ் ஜெயராஜ்

கடந்த காலத்தில் அதிகாரத்தில் இருந்தவர்களினால் தடுக்கப்பட்ட அல்லது சீர்குலைக்கப்பட்டு நீதிகிடைக்காமல் போன பாரிய ஊழல் மோசடிகள், படுகொலைகள் தொடர்பான விசாரணைகளை மீண்டும் ஆரம்பிக்கப் போவதாக ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க தனது தேர்தல் பிரசாரங்களின்போது அடிக்கடி வலியுறுத்திக் கூறினார். அண்மைய நிகழ்வுகள் தங்களது தேர்தல் வாக்குறுதிகள் குறித்து ஜனாதிபதி திசாநாயக்கவும் அவரது அரசாங்கமும் கரிசனையாக இருக்கிறார்கள் என்பதை வெளிக்காட்டுகின்றன. இது தொடர்பில் அவர்கள் அடுத்த கட்ட நடவடிக்கைகளை எடுக்கத் தொடங்கியிருக்கிறார்கள். அடுத்த மாதம் பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தல் நடைபெறவிருக்கும் நிலையில், இந்த விவகாரங்களில் நீதியை உறுதிசெய்வதற்கு உறுதியான நடவடிக்கைகளை எடுக்கத் தொடங்கியிருப்பதை அரசாங்கம் மெய்ப்பித்துக் காட்டுமோனால் ஆளும் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தேர்தல் வாய்ப்புகள் பிரகாசமானதாக இருக்கும்.

சர்ச்சைக்குரிய 2015 திறைசேரி பிணைமுறி விவகாரம், 2019 ஈஸ்டர் ஞாயிறு குண்டுத் தாக்குதல்கள், 2005 ஆம் ஆண்டில் அரசியல் செயற்பாட்டாளர்களான லலித் குமார் வீரராஜ், குகன் முருகானந்தன் ஆகியோர் காணாமல்போன சம்பவம் மற்றும் பத்திரிகையாளர் தருமரத்தினம் ‘ தராக்கி ‘ சிவராம் கடத்திக் கொலைசெய்யப்பட்டமை உட்பட பல்வேறு பிரபலமான சம்பவங்கள் தொடர்பிலான விசாரணைகளை துரிதப்படுத்துமாறு பதில் பொலிஸ்மா அதிபருக்கு பொதுப் பாதுகாப்பு அமைச்சு இரு வாரங்களுக்கு முன்னர் உத்தரவிட்டது. விசாரதைகளை தீவிரமாக முன்னெடுப்பதில் குற்றவியல் விசாரணை திணைக்களத்துடனும் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட பொலிஸ் பிரிவுகளுடனும் ஒருங்கிணைந்து செயற்படுமாறு பதில் பொலிஸ்மா அதிபருக்கு அமைச்ச பணிப்புரை வழங்கியிருக்கிறது.

‘ தராக்கி ‘ என்ற பத்திரிகையாளர் சிவராம் பற்றி குறிப்பிடப்பட்டதால் அவர் கடத்தப்பட்டு கொலை செய்யப்பட்ட சம்பவத்தை நினைவில் வைத்திருக்கும் இலங்கையர்கள் மத்தியில் பெரும் ஆர்வம் ஏற்பட்டிருக்கிறது. அதன் விளைவாக தராக்கியையும் அவரது மரணத்தையும் பற்றி அறிந்துகொள்ள விரும்பும் இளைய தலைமுறையினர் மத்தியிலும் ஆர்வம் பிறந்திருக்கிறது.

ஆங்கிலத்திலும் தமிழிலும் எழுதிய தருமரத்தினம் புவிராஜகீர்த்தி சிவராம் 2005, ஏப்பில் 28 ஆம் திகதி இரவு 10.30 மணியளவில் பம்பலப்பிட்டியில் வைத்துக் கடத்தப்பட்டார். நான்கு மணித்தியாலங்கள் கழித்து அவரது சடலத்தை பாராளுமன்ற கட்டிடத் தொகுதியில் இருந்து 500 மீட்டர்கள் தொலைவில் தியவன்ன ஓயா ஆற்றங்கரைக்கு அண்மையாக கிம்புளா — எல சந்தியில் பொலிசார் கண்டுபிடித்தனர். நள்ளிரவு 12.30 மணிக்கும் ஏப்ரில் 29 அதிகாலை ஒரு மணிக்கும் இடைப்பட்ட நேரத்துக்கு பிறகு துப்பாக்கிச் சூட்டுக் காயங்களினால் அவர் மரணமடைந்தார் என்று பிரேதப் பரிசோதனையில் கூறப்பட்டது.

தராக்கி சிவராம் கடத்தப்பட்டு கொடூரமான முறையில் கொலை செய்யப்பட்ட சம்பவம் அந்த நேத்தில் பெரும் அதிர்ச்சி அலைகளை ஏற்படுத்தியது. அவர் முதலில் ஆயுதமேந்திய ஒரு தமிழ்த் தீவிரவாதி. பிறகு பேனையை ஆயுதமாகக் கொண்ட பத்திராகையாளராக மாறினார். ஒரு சுயாதீன பத்திரிகையாளராக சிவராம் தனது வாரஇறுதி தராக்கி பத்தியை சண்டே ஐலண்ட், டெயிலி மிறர் மற்றும் சண்டே ரைம்ஸ் உட்பட வேறுபட்ட பத்திராகைகளுக்கு வேறுபட்ட நேரங்களில் எழுதினார். இடைக்கிடை அவர் டி.பி. சிவராம் என்ற பெயரில் வீரகேசரி போன்ற பத்திரிகைகளில் தமிழிலும் எழுதினார். பிறகு அவர் நோர்த் ஈஸ்டேர்ண் ஹெரால்ட் மற்றும் தமிழ்நெற் இணையத்தளம் ஆகியவற்றிலும் பணியாற்றினார்.

அவ்வப்போது சர்ச்சைக்குரியவையாக இருந்தபோதிலும், பெருமளவு தகவல்கள் நிறைந்ததும் ஆய்வுத் தன்மை கொண்டதுமான அவரது அரசியல் பத்திகள்்பரவலாக வாசிக்கப்பட்டன. அதனால் அவரது கடத்தலும் கொலையும் இந்த கட்டுரையாளர் உட்பட பலரிடம் இருந்து பிரதிபலிப்புக்களை வெளிப்படுத்தின. இந்த கட்டுரையில் நான் பத்தொன்பது வருடங்களுக்கு முன்னர் இடம்பெற்ற அந்த கொடூரச் சம்பவம் மீள்பார்வை செய்கிறேன். அதற்கு எனது முன்னைய கட்டுரைகளில் இருந்தும் விடயங்களை தாராளமாக பயன்படுத்துகிறேன்.

Continue reading ‘பத்திரிகையாளராக மாறிய போராளி ‘ தராக்கி ‘ சிவராம் ; கொடூரமான கடத்தலும் கொலையும்- மீண்டும் விசாரணைக்கு உத்தரவிட்டிருக்கும் ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமாரவின் அரசாங்கம்.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake frequently emphasised during his election campaign that he would re-open investigations into incidents of colossal fraud,mass murder and assassinations where the course of justice was allegedly obstructed or thwarted by those in power in the past. Recent happenings indicate that president Dissanayake and his Government are serious about their campaign promises and are initiating follow up action in this regard. With parliamentary polls due next month, electoral prospects for the ruling National Peoples Power(NPP) Govt would be brighter if it can demonstrate, that it is taking stern action to ensure justice will be done in these matters.

Last week, the Ministry of Public Security directed the Acting Inspector General of Police to expedite investigations into several high-profile cases, including the controversial 2015 Treasury bond bond deal , the 2019 Easter Sunday bomb attacks, the 2011 disappearances of activists Lalith Kumar Weeraraj and Kugan Muruganathan in Jaffna and the 2005 abduction and killing of journalist Dharmeratnam “Taraki”Sivaram. Police Spokesman DIG Nihal Thalduwa said the Ministry has instructed the Acting IGP to coordinate with the Criminal Investigation Department(CID) and relevant police divisions and conduct intensive investigations.

The reference to journalist Sivaram alias “Taraki”has aroused much interest among the Sri Lankan people who remember the incident. It has also resulted in evoking wide curiosity among sections of a younger generation who want to know more about Taraki and his death.

Dharmaretnam Puvirajakeerthi Sivaram who wrote in English and Tamil was abducted on April 28, 2005 at Bambalapitiya around 10. 30 pm. His body was found about four hours later by the Police on the banks of Diyawanna Oya near Kimbula-ela junction, about 500 metres away from the Parliament Complex. It was concluded at the inquest that he had died of gunshot injuries after midnight between 12.30 and 1.00 am on April 29th.

The brazen abduction and brutal assassination of “Taraki”Sivaram caused shock waves then. He was formerly a gun toting Tamil militant who had later turned into a pen wielding journalist. As a freelance journalist, Sivaram had written his weekly Taraki column at different times for different English newspapers such as “Sunday Island”, ”Daily Mirror” and “Sunday Times”. He also wrote occasionally in Tamil under the by-line “DP Sivaram” for newspapers such as “Virakesari”. (Later he got involved with the “North-Eastern Herald” journal and the “Tamilnet”website).

Though controversial at times, his informative and analytical political columns were widely read. The circumstances of his abduction and death therefore evoked strong reactions from many including this writer. I wrote extensively about Taraki in the aftermath of his assassination. In penning this article, I am drawing liberally from some of my earlier writings to re-visit his abduction and murder nineteen years ago.

Continue reading ‘The Brazen Abduction and Brutal Murder of Militant Turned Journalist “Taraki” Sivaram.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

October 23rd 2024 is the 76th Birth anniversary of legendary Muslim Congress leader M.H.M. Ashraff. The dynamic lawyer – politician hailing from Eastern Sri Lanka would have celebrated his 76th Birthday ,if he were among the living today. Alas! This was not to be as Ashraff passed away in a helicopter crash on September 16th 2000 just five weeks ahead of his 52nd Birthday. His untimely demise created a vacuum in the Island’s Muslim politics that is yet to be filled. This article however is to commemorate Ashraff’s 76th Birth anniversary and celebrate his life.

Muhammed Hussain Mohammed Ashraff was a pioneering leader of Sri Lankan Muslims in particular and the country in general. He was ahead of his times in more ways than one. He realised the vast untapped political potential of his community and strove to charter a course that would have enabled his people to have their grievances redressed and aspirations fulfilled.

At a time when the conflict within the island was perceived in simplistic terms as a “Sinhala versus Tamil” issue, the efforts of Ashraff brought to the fore the problems faced by Muslims. The eloquent and effective advocacy of the Muslim cause by Ashraff led to a general awareness that the seemingly intractable ethnic crisis was not merely a Sinhala-Tamil bilateral issue but a trilateral one involving Muslims too.

The Muslims of Sri Lanka, also known as Moors, have a unique ethnic identity. Constituting nearly 10% per cent of the island’s population, they are distributed somewhat evenly with about two-thirds of them in the seven predominantly Sinhala provinces and the rest in the Tamil majority North and East. The bulk of the community including sections living amidst the Sinhala population speaks Tamil at home and are classified as Tamil speaking. The medium of instruction in schools is chiefly Tamil. The community has also thrown up a number of Tamil scholars, writers, poets, journalists and artists who have reached eminent positions.

In spite of this, the community does not perceive itself as being “Tamil” but “Muslim”. The Muslim self-perception is based on ethno-religious and not ethno-linguistic lines. This socio-cultural reality has acquired sharp political dimensions in recent times.

Continue reading ‘Remembering Legendary Muslim Congress Leader M.H.M.Ashraff on his 76th Birth Anniversary.’ »

By

Tisaranee Gunasekara

“The future is cloth waiting to be cut.” Seamus Heaney (The Burial at Thebes)

The point had been made often enough. Without a Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, there wouldn’t have been an Anura Kumara Dissanayake presidency. For the NPP/JVP to go from 3 percent to 42 percent in four plus years, the system had to be broken from within by the very leaders entrusted with its care by a majority of voters. Gotabaya Rajapaksa achieved that feat in ways inconceivable even by his most stringent critics (who in their sane minds could have imagined the fertiliser fiasco?).

But President Dissanayake’s victory has two other fathers: Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa. President Dissanayake won because the competition was so uninspiring. It was more a case of Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe losing rather than President Dissanayake winning. While the NPP’s rise was meteoric, President Dissanayake failed to gain 50 percent mark of the vote. He is Sri Lanka’s first minority president.

As the IHP polling revealed continuously, all major presidential candidates had negative net favourability ratings; they were more unpopular than popular. The election was a contest to pick the least unpopular leader. Thus the winner’s inability to clear the 50 percent line.

This situation hasn’t changed qualitatively in the run up to parliamentary election. According to the latest IHP poll, President Dissanayake’s net favourability rating is still negative, which means more people regard him unfavourably than favourably. He and Harini Amarasuriya are at minus 10, the least unpopular of leaders. Sajith Premadasa at minus 31, Ranil Wickremesinghe even lower, lag behind not just President Dissanayake and Ms. Amarasuriya, but also the now retired Ali Sabry.

The NPP/JVP is likely to clock a bigger win at the parliamentary election even so, because the oppositional space is clogged by Mr. Wickremesinghe and Mr. Premadasa, with the Rajapaksas hanging on to the seams. The same actors representing the same unattractive futures. Compared to these prospects, a Harini Amarasuriya premiership would seem alluring to most Sri Lankans (she is an excellent choice, in any case, for the job).

President Dissanayake has avoided any obvious missteps in his first month. He is treading cautiously, especially in the economic arena, opting not even to tweak Ranil Wickremesinghe’s deal with a group of ISB holders, despite some unfavourable – and precedent-making – clauses such as giving bondholders the option of changing the law underpinning them from New York to England or Delaware; New York is about to pass a bill giving debtor nations greater bargaining power. He is no Gotabaya, at least economics.

Continue reading ‘The JVP’s commendable evolution on matters economic has not been paralleled in the ethnic problem arena. The NPP was remarkably reticent on the subject in its presidential manifesto. Behind a non-racist façade, the JVP is as regressive about the Tamil question today, as it was in the past.’ »

By

Kishali Pinto- Jayawardene

The hideous sight of three former Presidents of Sri Lanka laughing their heads off on the national stage when invited by the country’s accounting professionals to speak on a corruption culture that brought the nation to ruinous bankruptcy in 2022 sums up exactly why the political parties that they lead have been resoundingly rejected by the people.

Red rags waved to an enraged public

No more and no less. Certainly there is nothing wrong with a pithy joke or two in addressing an audience. But wholesale cynical cackling by the ex-Presidents (Wickremesinghe, Kumaratunga and Sirisena) in addressing the 45th National Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Sri Lanka (CA Sri Lanka) on the viciously entrenched corruption-cancer of the body politic is another matter.

It is nothing short of three red rags waved by the speakers to the enraged bull of the Sri Lankan public, with the session moderator performing the role of a less than skilled matador.
For that matter, the lustily applauding audience of Colombo’s top accounting professionals, who apparently found these Presidential jokes to be thoroughly entertaining, bear equal responsibility.

This behaviour exemplifies the painful gap between what these comedy sessions represent (ie; the corrupt and ‘privileged’ elite) and the enormous hurt of the Sri Lankan people who have been the first victims of their collective leadership failures.

This hurt is what the Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) campaign cry of a ’76 year old curse’ skilfully tapped into, to capture coveted executive office in September’s presidential polls. Granted, former President Maithripala Sirisena was correct in rejecting the AKD cry of a ’76-year old curse’ by pointing out that Sri Lanka’s immediate post-independence leaders were not corrupt. But he failed to acknowledge the major distinction between those leaders who did not fatten themselves on executive privileges and Presidents of yore who enabled Cabinet members and political hangers-on to rob the public purse.

Continue reading ‘Ex-Presidents Chandrika,Ranil and Maithripala were responsible for corruption running rampant in the public/political sector when they handled the reins of executive office.’ »

By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

Almost one month has elapsed since Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) took oath as the ninth Executive President of Sri Lanka.

During this period, he and other prominent leaders of the National People’s Power (NPP), especially the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), have been talking with pride about what they view as changes in the country’s political landscape following the regime change. They describe the decision by many politicians belonging to the mainstream parties not to contest the Parliamentary Elections as a significant change.

President Dissanayake, who said that the term ‘retirement’ had now been introduced by the NPP into Sri Lankan politics, which has a history of politicians retiring only if they lost or died, noted that the withdrawal of most of the former Members of Parliament (MPs) from contesting the elections was one of the changes expected by the people.

At the same time, Bimal Rathnayake, a prominent JVP leader, said that the NPP had achieved a massive victory ahead of the Parliamentary Elections by ensuring that corrupt and racist politicians decided not to contest the elections in order to avoid defeat.

“We thank the people for putting an end to the politics of the corrupt and racist by electing Dissanayake as President. Those politicians did not come forward to contest the elections knowing that they would certainly be defeated. The people who voted for Dissanayake have achieved a great feat by removing such corrupt politicians from politics,” Rathnayake said.

Continue reading ‘The JVP has a bitter history of fiercely opposing all attempts at finding a political solution to the national ethnic problem. There was no place for the phrase ‘devolution of power’ in its political lexicon.’ »

Sri Lanka’s former President, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has urged voters to send experienced members back to Parliament in the upcoming General Election, set for 14 November. In a special statement made yesterday, Wickremesinghe emphasised the need for seasoned politicians who worked alongside him to return to Parliament to address the country’s ongoing economic challenges.

“Without experience, you cannot run Parliament, and you cannot achieve the goals we have set. Those who worked with me have the expertise to solve the economic challenges,” Wickremesinghe said. He added that these experienced politicians should be elected to Parliament, whether as part of the Government or the Opposition.

Reflecting on his Presidency, which began when Sri Lanka had defaulted on its debt, Wickremesinghe outlined his key goal of achieving debt sustainability and steering the country out of bankruptcy. “We were able to reach agreements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), 18 creditor countries, and private bondholders,” he noted, crediting the collaborative efforts of those in the previous Parliament for this success.

Wickremesinghe explained that Sri Lanka’s next major task is to implement the agreements reached with creditors and move toward full debt sustainability. This will enable the country to access foreign funding from banks and donor agencies. However, he expressed concern about potential amendments to these agreements, as hinted by current President Anura Dissanayake. Wickremesinghe stressed that Parliament, which holds financial authority, will bear the responsibility for any such changes.

Continue reading ‘“Without experience, you cannot run Parliament, and you cannot achieve the goals we have set. Those who worked with me have the expertise to solve the economic challenges, These experienced politicians should be elected to Parliament, as part of the Government or the Opposition.”- Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Anura Kumara Dissanayake ; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka-PART THREE

The year was 1969. A 31 year old mother sought the services of a prominent astrologer to draw up the horoscope of her six month old son. The astrologer made some calculations based on planetary movements that prevailed at the time of the boy’s birth the previous year. He looked up with amazement and told the mother “your son has a “Rajayoga” in his destiny. He is born to rule. One day he will rule this country”.The mother was pleased but puzzled. She was from a low-income farming family.How could my son be a ruler? She wondered.

When the boy in question celebrated his 12th birthday, the mother faced a new problem. The chief incumbent of a Buddhist temple or Viharadhipthy wanted her son to be a novice monk and be ordained a member of the Buddhist clergy. The elderly monk had been impressed by the boy’s demeanor, intelligence and good conduct. After much thought the parents respectfully declined. The astrologer’s prediction about the rajayoga was uppermost in the mother’s mind while deciding.

55 years later the astrologer’s prediction came true. The child became a man and eventually the chief ruler of his country. He was none other than Anura Kumara Dissanayake who was elected as the ninth executive president of Sri Lanka in September 2024. Ever since his election as executive president, Anura Kumara’s modest renovated home in Thambuthegma has been visited by many outsiders including journalists and youtubers.

Although the newly elected president does not stay there, his mother Seelawathy, elder sister Sriyalatha and other members of the extended family are living there now. The unannounced visitors are treated with friendly hospitality. Anura’s 86 year old mother is often interviewed and she takes pride in talking about her son’s boyhood. It was during these interviews that the matriarch disclosed the details about her son’s “Rajayoga” and the Buddhist Viharadhipathy’s offer.

It may be recalled that in the first part of this article (Anura Kumara Dissanayake; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka) published a fortnight ago, I had written about Anura’s younger days. In that I had mentioned about his passion for reading and swimming. Seelawathy too revealed more details about these in her disclosures. She said that Anura learnt to swim in the “Nallachchiya”tank nearby and was very fond of swimming. She also said that her son was an ardent reader and would be reading a book or newspaper even while eating. His favourite spot for reading was an “Araliya”tree (Temple Tree). Anura would perch himself on a branch with a book and read.She never had to force him into studying.

Anura’s mother also spoke about the troubles undergone during the 2nd JVP insurgency. She related how Anura’s paternal first cousin had been tortured and killed. She also said about how Anura himself had to evade arrest for a long time. When Anura’s father Ran Banda Dissanayake died the security officials expected the son to attend the funeral and were lying in wait in the vicinity. Anticipating such a trap, Anura kept away and was not able to attend his own father’s funeral, stated Seelawathy sadly.

When I began writing this article about Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), I had intended it to be of two parts only. However the article has been receiving a positive response from readers. There are many requests to enlarge and extend the scope and scale of the article. As such the focus on AKD continues further. In the first part of this article published two weeks ago, the early years of Anura’s eventful life were delved into in some detail. In last week’s second part, AKD’s steady growth as a political leader within the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was related to some extent. In this third part, Anura’s rise to the leadership position of the JVP will be recounted.

Continue reading ‘“Comrade”Anura Began Historic Journey After Becoming the Fifth Leader of JVP in 2014.’ »

டி பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் ‘ இடதுசாரி ‘ நட்சத்திரம் -3

அது 1969 ஆம் ஆண்டு. 31 வயதான தாய் தனது ஆறு மாத ஆண் குழந்தையின் ஜாதகத்தை எழுதுவிப்பதற்காக பிரபலமான ஒரு சோதிடரின் சேவையை நாடினார். முன்னைய வருடத்தில் குழந்தை பிறந்த நேரத்தில் இருந்த கிரக நகர்வுகளின் அடிப்படையில் சில கணிப்பீடுகளைச் செய்த சோதிடர் தாயாரை பெரு வியப்புடன் பார்த்து ” உங்கள் மகனுக்கு அவனது விதியில் ஒரு இராஜயோகம் இருக்கிறது. அவன் ஆளப்பிறந்தவன். அவன் ஒரு நாள் இந்த நாட்டை ஆட்சி.செய்வான்” என்று கூறினார். தாயாருக்கு மகிழ்ச்சிதான் ஆனால் ஆச்சரியம். அவர் குறைந்த வருமானத்தைக் கொண்ட ஒரு விவசாயக் குடும்பத்தைச் சேர்ந்தவர். ‘ எவ்வாறு எனது மகன் ஆட்சியாளராவான்? அவருக்கு ஆச்சரியம்.

அந்த குழந்தை வளர்ந்து பையனாகி 12 வது பிறந்த தினத்தைக் கொண்டாடியபோது தாயார் ஒரு புதிய பிரச்சினையை எதிர்நோக்கினார். அவரது மகன் பௌத்த பிக்குவாக வரவேண்டும் அந்த கிராமத்தின் விகாராதிபதி விரும்பினார். அந்த பையனின் நல்லொழுக்கம், விவேகம் மற்றும் நடத்தையினால் அந்த விகாராதிபதி பெரிதும் கவரப்பட்டார். ஆனால் நீண்ட யோசனைக்கு பிறகு பெற்றோர் மறுத்து விட்டார்கள். அந்த முடிவை எடுக்கும்போது தாயார் சோதிடர் கூறிய இராஜயோகத்தைப் பற்றியே முக்கியமாக நினைத்தார்.

55 வருடங்கள் கழித்து சோதிடர் கூறியது உண்மையாகியது. அந்த பையன் பெரிய ஆளாக வளர்ந்து இறுதியில் நாட்டின் பிரதம ஆட்சியாளராக வந்துவிட்டான். அது வேறு யாருமல்ல, 2024 செப்டெம்பர் 21 ஆம் திகதி இலங்கையின் ஒன்பதாவது ஜனாதிபதியாக தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்ட அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவே. நாட்டின் நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதியாக அவர் தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்ட நாள் முதல் அநுராதபுரம் மாவட்டத்தின் தம்புத்தேகமவில் உள்ள திருத்தியமைக்கப்பட்ட அவரது எளிமையான வீட்டுக்கு பத்திரிகையாளர்கள், யூரியூபர்கள் உட்பட பெருவாரியான வெளியாட்கள் வருகை தந்த வண்ணம் இருக்கிறார்கள்.

புதிதாக தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்ட ஜனாதிபதி அந்த வீட்டில் தங்கியிருப்பதில்லை என்ற போதிலும், இப்போது அவரின் தாயார் சீலாவதியும் மூத்த சகோதரி சிறியலதாவும் குடும்பத்தின் ஏனைய உறுப்பினர்களும் அதில் வசிக்கிறார்கள். முன்கூட்டியே அறிவிக்காமல் வருகை தருவோரை மிகவும் நேச உணர்வுடன் விருந்தோம்புகிறார்கள். 86 வயதான தாயாரை ஊடகவியராளர்கள் அடிக்கடி பேட்டி காண்கிறார்கள். அவரும் தனது மகனின் இளமைக்காலத்தைப் பற்றி பேசுவதில் பெருமையடைகிறார். இந்த பேட்டிகளிலேயே தாயார் மகனின் இராஜயோகம் பற்றியும் அவனை பிக்குவாக்க விரும்பிய பௌத்த விகாராதிபதி பற்றியும் விபரங்களை கூறினார்.

இரு வாரங்களுக்கு முன்னர் வெளியான ” அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் இடதுசாரி நட்சத்திரம் ” என்ற தலைப்பில் அமைந்த இந்த கட்டுரைத் தொடரின் முதல் பாகத்தில் நான் அநுராவின் இளமைக்காலத்தை பற்றி எழுதியிருந்தேன். அதில் நான் அவருக்கு வாசிப்பிலும் நீச்சலிலும் இருந்த பேரார்வத்தைப் பற்றி குறிப்பிட்டிருந்தேன். சீலாவதி அம்மையாரும் கூட தான் வழங்கிய பேட்டிகளில் அவற்றைப் பற்றி கூடுதல் விபரங்களை கூறினார். அநுரா தனது வீட்டுக்கு அருகாமையில் உள்ள ‘ நாராச்சியாவ ‘ குளத்தில் தான் நீச்சல் பழகினார். நீந்துவதில் எப்போதும் அவருக்கு ஆர்வம். தனது மகன் தீவிரமான ஒரு வாசகன் என்றும் சாப்பிடும்போது கூட ஒரு புத்தகத்தையோ அல்லது பத்திரிகையையோ வாசித்துக் கொண்டிருப்பார் என்றும் தாயார் கூறினார். வாசிப்பதற்கு அநுரா விரும்பித் தெரிவுசெய்தது வீட்டு வளவில் வளர்ந்திருந்த தேமா( அரலிய ) மரத்தையேயாகும். அந்த மரத்தின் ஒரு கிளையில் அமர்ந்திருந்து புத்தகக்களை அவர் வாசிப்பார். படிப்பதற்கு அவரை தான் ஒருபோதும் நிர்ப்பந்திக்க வேண்டியிருந்ததில்லை என்று தாயார் கூறுகிறார்.

ஜே.வி.பி.யின் இரண்டாவது கிளர்ச்சிக் காலகட்டத்தில் தாங்கள் எதிர்நோக்கிய தொல்லைகள் பற்றியும் அநுராவின் தாயார் பேசினார். அநுராவின் ஒன்றுவிட்ட சகோதரன் எவ்வாறு சித்திரவதைக்குள்ளாகி கொலைசெய்யப்பட்டார் என்பதையும் நீண்டகாலமாக அநுரா கைதாகாமல் எவ்வாறு தப்பிவாழ்ந்தார் என்பதையும் சீலாவதி விபரித்தார். தந்தையார் ரண்பண்டா திசாநாயக்க மரணமடைந்தபோது இறுதிச்சடங்கிற்காக அநுரா வீட்டுக்கு வருவார் என்று எதிர்பார்த்த பாதுகாப்பு அதிகாரிகள் அருகாமையில் உள்ள பகுதிகளில் காத்திருந்தார்கள். அவ்வாறு தனக்குஒரு வலை விரிக்கப்படும் என்பதை எதிர்பார்த்த அநுரா அங்கு வரவில்லை. சொந்த தந்தையாரின் இறுதிச்சசடங்குகளில் கூட அவரால் பங்கேற்க முடியாமல் போய்விட்டது என்று சீலாவதி கவலையுடன் கூறினார்.

அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவை பற்றி இந்த கட்டுரையை நான் எழுதத் தொடங்கியபோது இரு பாகங்களுடன் மாத்திரம் நிறைவு செய்து கொள்வதற்கே உத்தேசித்திருந்தேன். ஆனால், கட்டுரை வாசகர்களிடமிருந்து நல்ல வரவேற்பை பெற்று வருகின்றது. கட்டுரையின் வீச்செல்லையை விரிவுபடுத்தி எழுதுமாறு பல வேண்டுகோள்கள் வந்தன. அதனால் அநுரா மீதான கவனக்குவிப்பு மேலும் தொடருகிறது.

இரு வாரங்களுக்கு முன்னர் வெளியான இந்த கட்டுரையின் முதலாவது பாகத்தில் நிகழ்வுகள் பல நிறைந்த அநுராவின் ஆரம்பகால வாழ்க்கையை ஓரளவு விபரங்களுடன் எழுதினேன். கடந்த வாரம் வெளியான இரண்டாம் பாகத்தில் ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன(ஜே.வி.பி.) வுக்குள் ஒரு அரசியல் தலைவராக அவரது சீரான வளர்ச்சி எவ்வாறு அமைந்தது என்பதை ஓரளவு விரிவாக எழுதினேன். இந்த மூன்றாவது பாகத்தில் ஜே.வி.பி. யின் தலைவராக அவர் அடைந்த உயர்வு பற்றி விபரிக்கவிருக்கிறேன்.

Continue reading ‘பத்து வருடங்களுக்கு முன்னர் ”தோழர்” அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ஜே.வி.பி.யின் ஐந்தாவது தலைவராக வந்தபோது…..!…..’ »

By

Ranga Jayasuriya

Even those who did not vote for Anura Kumara Dissanayake in the presidential race would find it refreshing to see that the old rot that had infested Sri Lankan politics is being cleared out.

But, look closer; while some of the old guard may have left politics for good, a good number of others have their names on the national list, which gives, at least the folks in the top quarter of the list, a sure shot at getting into Parliament, without the travails of going before the voters.

Also, a cursory look at the troubles brewing in the SJB would reveal that it is not just the old guard collapsing. It is, in fact, the entire machinery of the political opposition that is actually collapsing.

True that a number of senile politicians who, during their long existence in national politics, brought very little value but fostered a system of cronyism and patronage have announced retirement. That includes the Rajapaksa family cabal after a failed dynastic project and dragging the country down the precipice. None of the Rajapaksa old guards are running for the election, and young Namal has opted to maximise his chances of getting into Parliament through the national list.

Continue reading ‘Sajith Premadasa has made opposition politics unwinnable. He had the choice of making an alliance with the UNP but he was so insecure that Ranil Wickremesinghe would somehow wrest control of the Party that he turned it down.’ »

By

K.K.S.Perera

Targeting Dr. Harsha de Silva by senior SJB members began a couple of years ago when he started gaining recognition as a potential future leader. The brilliant economist faced criticism a few months ago after securing state funding for development work in Kotte.

During a TV chat show explaining the process, Harsha made the remark, “Mama Ambalangoda kollekk” (I am a man from Ambalangoda), which some within the party used to undermine him. Party members close to the leadership reportedly conspired to push him out of the Colombo district, seeking to move him to Galle’s nomination list, his hometown. This would free up a prime slot in Colombo for a former Hela Urumaya member, and an apparent attempt to sideline Harsha and diminish his influence within the party.

The seasoned and cultured candidate, Engineer Ajith Mannapperuma from Gampaha, has withdrawn from the race, citing favoritism in the appointment of a newcomer as the organiser replacing him. Meanwhile, candidates Hirunika Premachandra [Colombo] and Wijepala Hettiarachchi [Galle] have openly voiced negative comments about the SJB, leaving it vulnerable to the growing popularity of the group contesting under the “Gas Cylinder” symbol.

If the SJB fails to address its internal divisions and reconnect with its voter base, this group could rapidly gain traction and disrupt the SJB’s chances in future elections. This group, seen as a fresh alternative, has been able to tap into the frustration of middle-class voters and those disillusioned by the SJB’s internal conflicts and leadership challenges.

On September 22, Harsha made a notable move by congratulating Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the NPP presidential candidate, long before the final results of the presidential election were announced. This premature gesture, often referred to as “jumping the gun,” raised eyebrows. Dr. de Silva mentioned that although they had campaigned vigorously for Sajith Premadasa, the SJB presidential candidate, it had become evident that Anura Kumara would emerge victorious. His message on X (formerly Twitter) expressed a spirit of democracy and goodwill, stating, “… In the spirit of democracy and goodwill, I called and wished my friend the best in the arduous road ahead.”

Continue reading ‘Dr. Harsha De Silva, with his expertise in economics, experience in governance, and reputation for pragmatism, could emerge as a more favourable candidate to lead the Samagi Jana Balavegaya(SJB)’ »

By
D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Anura Kumara Dissanayake ; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka – Part Two

Sri Lanka’s newly elected ninth executive president Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) continues to be the focus of this column. In the first part of this article published last week, the early years of Anura’s eventful life were delved into in some detail. In this week’s second part, AKD’s steady rise as a political leader within the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) will be related to some extent.

As stated in this column last week , the JVP’s second insurgency was ruthlessly suppressed by the Ranasinghe Premadasa regime. Tens of thousands of youths were killed or made to disappear. Thousands of youths were incarcerated for years. Hundreds of youths fled Sri Lanka for safety. Hundreds of youths avoided arrest and possible execution while in Sri Lanka by changing identities and relocating elsewhere. Anura was among those who stayed in Lanka and evaded capture by going underground.

The JVP’s founder leader Rohana Wijeweera, the second leader Saman Piyasiri Fernando and rhe third leader Lalith Wijerathne were among the top 14 JVP leaders killed by the state in 1989-90. The only senior top leader and Pollitburo member to survive was Somawansa Amerasinghe alias Siri Aiyaa. He became the fourth JVP leader. Somawansa escaped to India in 1990 and from there went to Thailand. He later travelled to Italy and from there sought political asylum in France.

Somawansa Amerasinghe

Somawansa Amerasinghe shuttled between various European countries and set up JVP branches among Sinhala expatriates. He also interacted with dormant cadres in Sri Lanka and began a clandestine process of reviving the near extinct JVP. Tiny cells of 5 to 10 members were set up. Somawansa was in contact with these cells from France and the UK and coordinated activities.Meanwhile the security situation began easing. Detained cadres were gradually released but the JVP proscription remained in force.

After Premdasa’s death in May 1993, the political climate changed for the better as far as the JVP was concerned. Somawansa Amerasinghe returned to Sri Lanka in 1994 and began re-organizing the JVP quietly. When Parliamentary elections were announced ,the JVP was still a proscribed party. So Somawansa formed a front entity called Sri Lanka Progressive Front (SLPF) and contested only in the Hambantota district.The SLPF (JVP) got 15,309 votes. Janith Vipulaguna was elected MP. But he resigned soon and Nihal Galappaththi became H’tota MP.

The JVP worked for Chandrika Kumartunga in the 1994 Presidential elections. After she became President, the JVP ban was lifted. The JVP resumed its political work openly again. The JVP under Somawansa Amerasinghe’s leadership held its national convention in Tangalle in 1995.

Kelaniya University

Meanwhile Anura had resumed his tertiary studies again . He became an undergraduate at the Kelaniya University in 1992. AKD adopted a low profile during his undergraduate days but participated in student union activity. He also conducted classes at a tutorial institution.

Continue reading ‘Anura Kumara’s Ascendancy Inside the JVP and his Political Rise Within Sri Lanka.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

79th Birth Anniversary of Vijaya Kumaratunga on 9 October 2024.

Kovilage Vijaya Anthony Kumaratunga, known to the world as Vijaya Kumaratunga, was born in Seeduwa on 9 October 1945. Vijaya was an endearing personality with an enduring vision whom I liked, admired and respected very much.

He was a man who envisaged the transformation of Sri Lanka into an inclusive, multi-ethnic, egalitarian and plural nation. A much-loved man of the masses who may have altered the destiny of this resplendent isle in a very positive manner, had he not been felled in the prime of life by foul assassins. A man whose worth is increasingly valued in the present time where communal discord is deliberately promoted for short-term political gain.

I write this week about the beloved actor-turned-politician Vijaya Kumaratunga whose 78th birth anniversary falls on 9 October 2023.

I have written some articles about Vijaya in the past. I will be drawing on some of them in writing this article which will focus on his political career. Also I must mention that Vijaya’s surname was originally spelled ‘Kumaranatunga’. It was as Vijaya Kumaranatunga that he blazed a trail on screen. Subsequently, the name was modified from Kumaranatunga to ‘Kumaratunga’. I shall however be referring to him as Kumaratunga in this article though he was actually known as Kumaranatunga for the greater part of his life. Also his name has been spelled as both ‘Wijaya’ and ‘Vijaya’. I shall refer to him as Vijaya in this article.

Continue reading ‘Vijaya Kumaratunga:Acting was his Accredited Profession but Politics was his Chosen Vocation.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் ‘ இடதுசாரி ‘ நட்சத்திரம் -2

இலங்கையின் ஒன்பதாவது நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவின் பரபரப்பான நிகழ்வுகள் பலப்பல நிறைந்த ஆரம்ப வாழ்க்கையைப் பற்றி இந்த கட்டுரைத் தொடரின் முதல் பாகத்தில் கடந்தவாரம் எழுதியிருந்தேன். இந்த இரண்டாவது பாகத்தில் ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுனவுக்குள் (ஜே.வி.பி.) ஒரு அரசியல் தலைவராக அவரின் படிப்படியான சீரான வளர்ச்சி குறித்து பாராப்போம்.

கடந்த வாரத்தைய பத்தியில் குறறிப்பிட்டதைப் போன்று ஜே.வி.பி.யின் இரண்டாவது கிளர்ச்சி ரணசிங்க பிரேமதாச அரசாங்கத்தினால் ஈவிரக்கமற்ற முறையில் நசுக்கப்பட்டது. ஆயிரக்கணக்கான இளைஞர்கள் கொல்லப்பட்டார்கள் அல்லது காணாமற்போகச் செய்யப்பட்டார்கள். மேலும் ஆயிரக்கணக்கானவர்கள் சிறையில் அடைக்கப்பட்டார்கள். நூற்றுக்கணக்கானவர்கள் பாதுகாப்புக்காக நாட்டை விட்டு தப்பியோடினார்கள். நூற்றுக்கணக்கானவர்கள் கைதாகி கொலை செய்யப்படக்கூடிய ஆபத்தில் இருந்து தப்பிய அதேவேளை தங்களது அடையாளங்களை மாற்றி வேவ்வேறு பகுதிகளில் வாழ்ந்தார்கள். இலங்கையில் தொடர்ந்தும் தங்கியிருந்து கைதுசெய்யப்படுவதில் இருந்து தப்பி தலைமுறைவு வாழ்க்கைக்கு சென்றவர்களில் அநுராவும் ஒருவர்.

ஜே.வி.பி.யின் தாபகத் தலைவர் விஜேவீர, இரண்டாவது தலைவர் சமான் பியசிறி பெர்னாண்டோ, மூன்றாவது தலைவர் லலித் விஜேரத்ன ஆகியோர் 1989 — 90 காலப்பகுதியில் அரசினால் கொலை செய்யப்பட்ட ஜே.வி.பி.யின் 14 உயர்மட்டத் தலைவர்களில் அடங்குவர். சிறி ஐயா என்ற சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க மாத்திரமே உயிர்தப்பி வாழ்ந்த ஒரேயொரு உயர்மட்டத் தலைவரும் அரசியல் குழு வின் உறுப்பினருமாவார். அவர் பிறகு ஜே.வி.பி.யின் நான்காவது தலைவராக வந்தார். 1990 ஆம் ஆண்டில் இந்தியாவுக்கு தப்பியோடிய சோமவன்ச அங்கிருந்து தாய்லாந்துக்கு சென்றார். அந்த நாட்டில் இருந்து இத்தாலிக்கு மாறிய அவர் பிரான்ஸில் அரசியல் தஞ்சம் கோரினார்.

சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க

பல்வேறு ஐரோப்பிய நாடுகளிடையே மாறிமாறி பயணம் செய்த சோமவன்ச அமரசிங்க புலம்பெயர் சிங்கள சமூகத்தவர்கள் மத்தியில் ஜே.வி.பி.யின் கிளைகளை அமைத்தார். அங்கிருந்து அவர் இலங்கையில் இயங்காமல் இருந்த உறுப்பினர்களுடன் தொடர்புகொண்டு அனேகமாக அழிந்துபோயிருந்த ஜே.வி.பிக்கு புத்துயிர் கொடுக்கும் ஔிவுமறைவான செயற்பாடுகளை தொடங்கினார். அவர் பிரான்ஸில் இருந்தும் ஐக்கிய இராச்சியத்தில் இருந்தும் இங்குள்ள நடவடிக்இரகசிய உறுப்பினர்களுடன் தொடர்புகொண்டு நடவடிக்கைகளை ஒருங்கிணைத்தார். அதேவேளை, பாதுகாப்பு நிலைவரமும் தளரத் தொடக்கியது. தடுப்புக்காவலில் வைக்கப்பட்டிருந்த உறுப்பினர்கள் படிப்படியாக விடுதலை செய்யப்பட்டனர். ஆனால் ஜே.வி.பி. மீதான தடை தொடர்ந்தும் நடைமுறையில் இருந்தது.

Continue reading ‘ஜே.வி.பி . இயக்கத்தில் அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்கவின் வளர்ச்சியும் இலங்கை அரசியலில் துரித எழுச்சியும்’ »

By
Kishali Pinto -Jayawardene

Is the Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) Presidency which came into power on a ‘reformist’ election platform able to legally justify the invocation of Section 12 of the Public Security Ordinance (PSO) using ‘special powers’ to call out the armed forces for the maintenance of public order?

Sri Lanka’s pervasive militarisation

Speaking to me soon after, a colleague ruminated as to whether this was a routine act, the signing of a gazette placed before the President by a staffer, the issuing of which was not so much a deliberate notification but a misstep. That is however hard to believe. But the fact that, such a preposterous possibility is even talked about, indicates the deeply chaotic extent to which official processes have been reduced to.

It also establishes, without a doubt, the pervasive militarisation of the land which is as much a disquieting sign as the sight of military apparatus outside selected stalls of the annual book fair held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH) to which thousands flocked this week.

This is a good illustration as to how deeply militarised this country has become and how unconscious our citizenry are, in accepting that fact.

President Dissanayake’s act of signing the gazette ordering the armed forces out under Section 12 of the PSO was not subjected to robust discussion let alone critique by civil society groups instrumental in bringing an NPP Presidency into power on the premise of bringing about a ‘system change.’

For the fact remains that a specific set of circumstances must legally exist to bring Section 12 into operation. That can only be done by the President contingent on two factors. First, ‘where circumstances endangering the public security in any area have arisen or are imminent…’

Continue reading ‘On what legal basis did President Dissanayake call out the armed forces to maintain ‘public order?’ »

By

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

Sri Lankan political parties have been forced to prepare for the Parliamentary Elections before the exhaustion of campaigning for the Presidential Election has worn off. Particularly, the parties of the losers among the main presidential candidates have to face a national election again before they can recover from the impact of the defeat.

The new President, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, dissolved Parliament a day after taking office and called a General Election, as he had promised the people during the election campaign. The process of accepting nominations, which began last Friday (4), will be completed next Friday (11). The election will be held on 14 November.

President Dissanayake will ask the people who elected him as President to give him a resounding victory at the Parliamentary Elections to form a strong National People’s Power (NPP) government to facilitate the firm continuation of his rule.

There are those who, judging by how the people voted at the Presidential Election, predict that it will be impossible for the NPP to gain an absolute majority in Parliament. The votes of the three main candidates in the Northern and Eastern Provinces will not be available to their parties at the Parliamentary Elections, so these estimates are not very accurate. Also, the same factors do not fully influence both national polls.

Continue reading ‘Just as people in the south have begun to reject traditional political parties and leaders, a rejection is also needed in the north and east.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj.

The heading of this article is inspired by the title of Edgar Snow’s , “Red Star Over China”. Snow’s book first published in 1937 was a vivid account of his interaction with the Chinese communist leader Mao Ze Dong and the Red Army. Mao known then as Mao Tse Tung was relatively called to the Western world at that time. Years later when the communists under Mao captured power in China, “Red Star Over China” became a best seller. The book was widely read by people who wanted to gain an insight into the new “unknown” Communist rulers of China.

Sri Lanka’s newly elected executive president Anura Kumara Dissanayake is in a sense the red or leftist star that has risen over Sri Lanka now. Dissanayake known popularly as Anura and AKD contested and won the presidential elections held on 21 September 2024. He was sworn in as the ninth executive president of Sri Lanka on Sep 23rd. His rise has aroused a lot of interest locally and globlly.People are eger to know more about the new leftist staar shining brightly in the Sri Lankan poliicl skies.t.

55 year old Anura Kumara Dissanayake is the leader of both the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (Peoples Liberation Front) as well as the Jathika Jana Balavegaya (National Peoples Power). TheJVP is a militant movement turned political party with a history spanning six decades.

The JVP led JJB/NPP is a left-leaning broad front or alliance consisting of the JVP and 21 other organisations. These entities comprise small parties, trade unions, rights groups, women, student and youth organisations. The JVP is the pivotal, pre- eminent force in the NPP.AKD contested the presidential poll on the NPP ticket under the compass symbol.

Ever since his electoral victory, the international media both Western and Indian have been describing Anura as a marxist, marxist-leninist, socialist, red, neo-marxist,leftist and a left of centre politician. Some Indian commentators label him unfairly as “anti-Indian” and “anti-Tamil”. .In my view AKD is certainly a leftist subscribing to a left-oriented ideology but I am doubtful as to whether he could be termed a classical Marxist.

In the good old days before a man called Donald Trump (dis)graced the “White House”, US presidents were much respected and admired widely. The life stories of many US presidents were read and relished in Sri Lanka. To many, the greatest US president was Abraham Lincoln who went to the extent of fighting a civil war to abolish slavery and emancipate slaves.

Lincoln was a man of humble origins. His rise to the top is called a “From log cabin to White House”story. Likewise Anura Kumara Dissanayake too is a common man who has become the first citizen of Sri Lanka. His remarkable rise too could be termed as a “ From wattle and daub cottage to President’s House”saga. It is in this context that this column focuses on Sri Lanka’s new president Anura Kumara Dissanayake in a two part article this week.

Continue reading ‘Anura Kumara Dissanayake ; “Leftist” Star Rises Over Sri Lanka.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

இலங்கையில் நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறையை ஒழிக்கவேண்டும் என்ற கோரிக்கை ஒன்றும் புதியது அல்ல. அந்த ஆட்சிமுறை என்றைக்கு அறிமுகப்படுத்தப்பட்டதோ அன்றிலிருந்தே அதை ஒழிக்கவேண்டும் என்ற கோரிக்கையும் முன்வைக்கப்பட்டு வந்திருக்கிறது. ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறையை ஒழிக்கப் போவதாக தேர்தல்களில் வாக்குறுதி அளித்து மக்களின் ஆணையைப் பெற்று ஜனாதிபதியாக ஆட்சியதிகாரத்துக்கு வந்தவர்கள் எவருமே அதை ஒழிக்கவில்லை என்பது அண்மைக்கால வரலாறு.

இறுதியாக நடைபெற்ற ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலிலும் பிரதான வேட்பாளர்களில் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவும் ஐக்கிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலைவர் சஜித் பிரேமதாசவும் ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறையை ஒழிக்கப்போவதாக மக்களுக்கு வாக்குறுதி வழங்கினார்கள். அவர்களது தேர்தல் விஞ்ஞாபனங்களிலும் அதைக் குறிப்பிட்டிருந்தார்கள்.

அந்த ஆட்சிமுறையை ஒருபோதுமே ஆதரிக்காத ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுனவின் (ஜே.வி.பி. ) தலைமையிலான தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலைவர் திசாநாயக்க நாட்டின் ஒன்பதாவது நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதியாக பதவியேற்றிருக்கிறார். அந்த பதவிக்கு வந்தவர்களில் எவருமே அதை ஒழிப்பதில் அக்கறை காட்டவில்லை. சிலர் ஏற்கெனவே ஜனாதிபதி பதவிக்கு இருந்த அதிகாரங்களை மேலும் அதிகரிப்பதற்கும் அரசியலமைப்பில் திருத்தங்களை கொண்டுவந்தார்கள் என்பது எம்மெல்லோருக்கும் தெரியும்.

ஜனாதிபதி திசாநாயக்கவும் அவர்களைப் போன்று அந்த வாக்குறுதியை நிறைவேற்றப் போவதில்லை என்று முன்கூட்டியே கூறுவது பொருத்தமில்லை என்றாலும் கூட அவரால் அதைச் செய்யக்கூடியதாக இருக்குமா என்ற கேள்வி இயல்பாகவே எழுகிறது.

திசாநாயக்க பதவியேற்று ஒரு சில தினங்களில் தேசிய மக்கள சக்தியின் முக்கிய தலைவர்களில் ஒருவரான சுனில் ஹந்துனெத்தி இலங்கை மக்கள் இறுதி நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதியை தெரிவு செய்திருக்கிறார்கள் என்று கூறியதைக் காணக்கூடியதாக இருந்தது.

இத்தகைய பின்புலத்தில் இலங்கையில் ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறையின் வரலாற்றை இந்த கட்டுரை திரும்பிப் பார்க்கிறது.

ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறைக்கு எதிராக கடந்த பல வருடங்களாக் கடுமையான விமர்சனங்கள் முன்வைக்கப்பட்டு வருகின்ற போதிலும், ஜனாதிபதிகளை தெரிவுசெய்வதற்கு மக்கள் தேர்தல்களில் பெருமளவு உற்சாகம் காண்பிப்பது ஒரு முரண்நகையாகும். ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறை ஒரு புறத்தில் கடுமைான கண்டனங்களுக்கு உள்ளாகி வருகின்ற அதேவேளை, மறுபுறத்தில் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல்களில் மக்கள் பெருமளவு ஆர்வத்துடன் வாக்களிக்கிறார்கள்.

Continue reading ‘ஜனாதிபதிகள் வரலாம் , ஜனாதிபதிகள் போகலாம், ஆனால் ஜே. ஆர்.ஜெயவர்தனவின் ஜனாதிபதி ஆட்சிமுறை தொடர்ந்து கொண்டேயிருக்கும்’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

அமெரிக்க பத்திரிகையாளர் எட்கார் சினோவின் ‘ சீன வானில் சிவப்பு நட்சத்திரம் ‘ (Red Star over China ) என்ற நூல்தான் கட்டுரைக்கு இந்த தலைப்பை வைப்பதற்கு தூண்டுதல் அளித்தது. சீனக் கம்யூனிஸ்ட் தலைவர் மாவோ சேதுங்குடனும் செஞ்சேனையுடனும் தனது ஊடாட்டம் பற்றிய உயிர்களையுடைய விபரிப்பாக அமைந்த அந்த முதலில் 1937 ஆம் ஆண்டில் பிரசுரமானது. மாவோ என்று அறியப்பட்ட மாவோ சேதுங்கைப் பற்றி அந்த நேரத்தில் மேற்குலகில் பெரிதாகத் தெரியாது. பல வருடங்கள் கழித்து மாவோவின் தலைமையில் கம்யூனிஸ்டுகள் சீனாவில் அதிகாரத்தைக் கைப்பற்றியபோது ‘ சீன வானில் சிவப்பு நட்சத்திரத்தின் ‘ பிரதிகள் பிரமிக்கத்தக்க அளவில் பெரும் எண்ணிக்கையில் உலகெங்கும் விற்பனையானது. சீனாவின் புதிய கம்யூனிஸ்ட் ஆட்சியாளர்கள் பற்றி ஒரு உள்நோக்கைப் பெறுவதற்கு அந்த்நூல் பேராவலூடன் வாசிக்கப்பட்டது.

இலங்கையில் புதிதாக தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டிருக்கும் நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதி அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க ஒரு அர்த்தத்தில் இன்று இலங்கை வானில் எழுந்திருக்கும் சிவப்பு நட்சத்திரம் அல்லது இடதுசாரி நட்சத்திரமே . அநுரா அல்லது ஏ.கே.டி. என்று பிரபல்யமாக அறியப்பட்ட திசாநாயக்க 2024 செப்டெம்பர் 21 ஆம் திகதி நடைபெற்ற தேர்தலில் போட்டியிட்டு வெற்றிபெற்றார். இலங்கையின் ஒனபதாவது நிறைவேற்று அதிகார ஜனாதிபதியாக அவர் செப்டெம்பர் 23 ஆம் திகதி பதவியேற்றார்.

55 வயதான திசாநாயக்க ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன (ஜே.வி.பி. ) யினதும் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியினதும் தலைவர். ஒரு தீவிரவாத இயக்கமாக இருந்து பிறகு அரசியல் கட்சியாக மாறிய ஜே.வி.பி. ஆறு தசாப்த கால வரலாற்றைக் கொண்டது.

தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தி, ஜே.வி.பி.யையும் வேறு 21 அமைப்புக்களையும் உள்ளடக்கிய இடதுசாரிப் போக்குடைய ஒரு பரந்த கூட்டணியாகும். இந்த அமைப்புக்களில் சிறிய கட்சிகள், தொழிற் சங்கங்கள், உரிமைகள் குழுக்கள், பெண்கள், மாணவர்கள், இளைஞர்கள் அமைப்புகள் அடங்குகின்றன. ஜே.வி.பி. தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலைமைத்துவக் கட்சியாகும். திசாநாயக்க ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் திசையறிகருவி சின்னத்தில் தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் வேட்பாளராகப் போட்டியிட்டார்.

தேர்தலில் வெற்றி பெற்ற நாளில் இருந்து சர்வதேச ஊடகங்கள் ( மேற்கத்தைய மற்றும் இந்திய ஊடகங்கள்) திசாநாயக்கவை மார்க்சிஸ்ட், மார்க்சிஸ்ட் — லெனினிஸட், சோசலிஸ்ட், நவ மார்க்சிஸ்ட், இடதுசாரி, மத்திய இடது அரசியல்வாதி என்று பலவாறாக வர்ணித்து வருகின்றன. சில இந்திய விமர்சகர்கள் அவருக்கு ‘ இந்திய விரோதி ‘ என்றும் ‘ தமிழர் விரோதி ‘ என்றும் நேர்மையற்ற முறையில் நாமகரணம் சூட்டுகின்றனர். எனது நோக்கில் திசாநாயக்க நிச்சயமாக இடதுசாரிக் கோட்பாடுகளுக்கு தன்னை அர்ப்பணித்த ஒரு இடதுசாரி.ஆனால், பாரம்பரிய அர்த்தத்தில் ஒரு மார்க்சிஸ்ட் என்று அழைக்கமுடியுமா என்பது எனக்கு சந்தேகமே.

Continue reading ‘அநுர குமார திசாநாயக்க ; இலங்கை வானில் ‘ இடதுசாரி ‘ நட்சத்திரம்’ »

By Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Looking for the rain

– Gil Scott-Heron (Winter in America)

The Election Commission continues to rock. This week, it halted, for the duration of parliamentary polls, an order by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to increase fertiliser and fuel subsidies to farmers and fishermen.

The same way it stopped a multitude of giveaways by Ranil Wickremesinghe during Presidential elections.

The conduct of the Election Commission indicates that, given right laws, institutions, guidance, and time, Lankan state is still salvageable; even improvable.

The 2024 Presidential election campaign was the freeest and the fairest, probably ever. Election laws were implemented with a stringency and an even-handedness that was manifestly un-Sri Lankan. The Election Commission led the way, and the police followed, unimpeded by the dead hand of Deshabandu Thennakoon (Praise be to Supreme Court!).

Pramitha Bandara Thennakoon, State Minister of Defence, was stopped from house-to house campaigning en masse, in his Dambulla stronghold by the Dambulla police. The stunned expression on the minister’s face spoke volumes, starting with the unprecedented nature of the police intervention, a display of fidelity to fair-play beyond his experience, and ours.

Election Commission officials intervened to prevent then president Ranil Wickremesinghe from treating his young supporters to lunch during an election meeting. The president was present when the officials descended on the Youth Centre in Maharagama, took the food into custody, and handed the feast over to the police.

Had Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 20th Amendment been in place, the Election Commission would not have been able to act with such independence. That amendment turned independent commissions into presidential appendages. Fortunately for Lankan democracy, Ranil Wickremesinghe made the commissions independent again, with the 21st Amendment, just as he introduced that Sri Lankan first, a campaign finance law.

The proverbially grey bureaucrats staffing the Election Commission made full use of its constitutionally-guaranteed independence, implementing election laws to the letter without fear or favour.

The aftermath of the 2024 Presidential election was the most peaceful, ever. No fire-crackers, let alone gunshots or arson. An absence made possible by the NPP/JVP walking the talk. Given that public wrath at the political class played a decisive role in this election, a few incidents of over-the-top rejoicing might have been expected. But there were none. The election outcome amounted to a political upheaval, yet the country remained as calm as a goldfish bowl.

Hopefully the NPP/JVP’s excellent conduct in victory will be emulated by future victors, and become entrenched in our political culture, a great new tradition. (Equally hopefully, their appointment of the highly suitable Harini Amarasuriya as Prime Minister will encourage other parties to open doors to suitable women, including at the highest levels)

Continue reading ‘Can the Anura Kumara Dissanayake administration overcome prejudices deeply ingrained in society and within its own ranks, and break out of the ethno-religious vicious cycle which has caused Sri Lanka so much harm?’ »

By

Ranga Jayasuriya

The presidential election’s outcome has been described in flowery language: A vote for system change, the rejection of the old regime, a clarion call against corruption and cronyism, a vote against the sale of national assets, and so on.

All that is true to a certain degree, but they still miss the wood for the trees. The risk of these feel-good assessments is that they could also delude the election winner. To explore the danger of misreading an election mandate, look no further than the Yahapalanaya’s and Maithripala Sirisena’s victory over the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime.

Sirisena won the election, thanks to sound electoral arithmetic, riding on the overwhelming minority vote, even though he lost the South by half a million votes.

However, his backers misread the election results as a vote against Rajapaksa’s infrastructure development projects and suspended almost all major loan-funded projects to appear to be delivering on their mandate. That was the beginning of the end for the Yahapalanaya and also the end of a decade of sustained economic growth.

The commentators call it a vote for change or a system change. Every time voters change a government, they surely vote for a change. When the Sri Lankans elected Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2005, they voted for a change (from Chandrika Kumaratunga’s more elitist rule); when they voted for Sirisena, they voted for a change. When they voted for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, they voted for a change. So is now when they have voted for the presidency of Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

But that does not tell the whole story. There are a few reasons as to why.

Continue reading ‘Anura Kumara Dissanayake “did not win”. Sajith Premadasa with his Oversized Ego and Hurry to become President Handed Over the Election to AKD’ »

By

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

When Parliament elected Ranil Wickremesinghe as President two years ago, it was said that he was the ultimate beneficiary of the unprecedented people’s uprising in Sri Lanka. However, last week’s Presidential Election showed the world the real beneficiary of that uprising.

Just as the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Founding Leader, the late S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike won the General Elections and came to power three years after the famous 1953 August Hartal, National People’s Power (NPP) Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as the ninth Executive President of Sri Lanka at the Presidential Election last week, more than two years after the 2022 ‘Aragalaya’ people’s uprising.

There are significant differences between the two historic events. Bandaranaike did not support the Hartal and cleverly exploited the resulting political developments to his advantage. The Left leaders who spearheaded the Hartal could not do so. Stunned by the success of that struggle, they were unable to formulate an effective strategy for the next move.

However, although Dissanayake did not give the leadership to the ‘Aragalaya,’ he and his NPP gave it their full support. He has become the President today as a result of the change in the political landscape of the country. The old Left leaders could never come to power on their own.

Continue reading ‘Anura Kumra Dissanayake will ask the people who elected him as President to give his NPP a big victory at the Parliamentary Elections to stabilise the economy and fulfil promises.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Sri Lanka’s newly elected president Anura Kumara Dissanayake has appointed Dr.Harini Amarasuriya as his Prime minister. The academic turned politico is Sri Lanka’s third woman prime minister. The first woman PM of the Island nation was Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Sirimavo shattered a global glass ceiling in 1960 by becoming the world’s first woman prime minister.Her daughter Chandrika Kumaratunga became the second woman PM in 1994. Subsequently she too made history as Sri Lanka’s first woman president.

As is well known Sirimavo and Chandrika were the wife and daughter of formr Prime Minister Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (SWRDB) respectively. Prime Minister Bandaranaike was killed in 1959. He died on 26 September 1959.. SWRDB was born on January 8th 1899. As such this year marks the 125th birth and 65th death anniversaries of Bandaranaike.

It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on SWRD Bandaranaike this week. I have written extensively about SWRD Bandaranaike and matters concerning his assassination in the past. In this article I intend re-visiting -with the aid ofmy earlier writings- the circumstances regarding his murder and consequential prosecution and Conviction of those responsible for his killing..Particular emphasis will be laid on the chief conspirator Mapitigama Buddharakkitha Thera , the lone assassin Talduwe Somarama Thero, the motives behind the murder and related lgal proceedings.

65 yars ago on September 25th 1959 SWRD Bandaranaike the then prime minister of Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known then) was shot and seriously wounded by a Buddhist monk named Ven.Talduwe Somarama Thero. Prime Minister Bandaranaike succumbed to his injuries the following day.The fourth Prime minister of Independent Ceylon/Sri Lanka passed away on September 26th 1959 exactly twenty-two hours after he had been shot.

Official Bulletin

The official bulletin issued after his death stated as follows “The condition of the Prime Minister suddenly took a turn for the worse at about 7 a.m. There was a sudden alteration of the action of the heart and his condition deteriorated very rapidly. He passed off peacefully about 8 ‘O’ clock.”It was signed by Dr. P. R. Anthonis, Dr. T. D. H. Perera and Dr. M. J. A. Sandrasagara.Subsequently a verdict of homicide was recorded by the then City Coroner J. N. C. Tiruchelvam, at the inquest. He stated “death was due to shock and haemorrhage resulting from multiple injuries to the thoracic and abdominal organs.”

The Inspector General of Police at the time of Bandaranaike’s assassination was the respected civil servant Walter F. Abeykoon who was SWRDB’s personal friend and partner at bridge.IGP Abeykoon took a very personal interest in probing the assassination of Bandaranaike. The then DIG- CID, David .C.T. Pate was in charge of the intensive police investigation. Other senior officials involved were Supdt of Police Rajasooriya, Asst Supdt of Police SSIK Iyer and Inspectors of Police S. Abeywardena, AM Seneviratne and Tyrell Goonetilleke . Detectives from Scotland Yard in Britain were brought down to assist the Ceylon Police in the investigations.

Talduwe Somarama Thero.

As news of the investigation into the killing was published in the newspapers a wide range of conspiracy theories started floating. They gathered momentum with suspects being arrested and detained. There was much interest focused on the sole assassin Ven Talduwe Somarama Thero.

Somarama’s name at Birth was Talduwe Ratugama Rallage Weris Singho. He was born on August 27th 1915 to Ratugama Rallage Dieris Appuhamy and Iso Hamy. Weris Singho was educated at the Talduwe Ihala school and in Dehiowita. He donned the yellow robes on Jan 20th 1929 at the age of fourteen. Somarama was ordained in Kandy on June 25th 1936 at the age of twenty-one. In later years he qualified as an Ayurvedic physician specializing in eye ailments. He was a visiting lecturer at the College of Indigenous Medicine in Borella while residing at the Amara Vihare in Kotte.

The important question however was the reason for the assassination. Why did Talduwe Somarama assassinate the Prime Minister? Who were the people who conspired to kill Bandaranaike?
Mapitigama Buddharakkitha Thera

As investigations progressed the finger of guilt began pointing towards the charismatic Buddhist prelate Ven. Mapitigama Buddharakkitha Thera who was the Viharadhipathy or chief incumbent of the historic Kelaniya Raja Maha Vihara.

The prelate’s influence was mainly due to his politics. He was the founder and secretary of the Eksath Bhikku Peramuna (United Bhikku Front) representing politicized sections of the Buddhist clergy. The Bhikku Front played a crucial role in mobilizing support for the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (Peoples United Front )during the 1956 elections and enthroning Bandaranaike as Prime minister.

Contrary to tenets of the “Vinaya”, Buddharakkitha Thera dabbled discreetly in commerce and had large sums of money at his disposal. The powerful priest had spent over 150,00 rupees personally for the MEP election campaign (a huge sum those days). His clout therefore was massive with the government and the monk was in a sense the Rasputin or Richelieu of Sri Lanka

Buddharakkitha Thero made strong attempts to control SWRD Bandaranaike and transform him into a puppet but the aristocratic Oxonian though beleaguered would not give in totally to Buddharakkitha’s diktat. Irritated by this the “kingmaker” priest now decided to remove Bandaranaike altogether. The flash-point causing this change of mind was not race, class or ideology.It was sordid commerce and a sense of personal affront.

Three IssuesRaankled

Three issues rankled. One was the Prime Minister’s refusal to hand over a lucrative shipping contract to a company named Colombo Shipping Lines that was co-founded by Buddharakkitha in the name of his associate Hemachandra Piyasena Jayawardena to import rice on behalf of the Govt Food Department from Burma (Myanmar) and Thailand. The company had been floated under the guidance of a former director of Ceylon Shipping Lines Ltd Major R. Baptist.

The second was over a sugar manufacturing licence to start a sugar factory costing many crores of rupees. SWRD acting on the advice of the then Agriculture and Food minister Philip Gunewardena and the Trade and Commerce minister RG Senanayake had refused to give the shipping contract to the company resulting in great financial loss to Buddharakitha and his front-man Jayawardena. The Sugar manufacturing license was also denied by the PM on the advice of the two ministers.

The third was an issue of a personal nature.Vimala Wijewardene was the only woman minister in the Bandaranaike cabinet. She was earlier the Health minister and later minister of Local Government and Housing. A vicious gossip Campaign was underway maligning Vimala Wijewardene together with Buddharakitha Thera. Scurrilous leaflets were printed and distributed widely. When Vimala complained to Bandaranaike the Prime minister refused to take any action.

According to a speech made in Parliament on October 30th 1959 by the then Matale MP Nimal Karunatillake, Vimala Wijewardene and Buddharakkitha Thero had approached Bandaranaike and demanded that the PM should take action against the suspected pamphleteers. SWRD had treated the demand lightly and dismissed it with the response ‘Vimala after all aren’t some of these things true?’. Buddharakitha was furious.

Unwitting Instrument

Thus Buddharakkitha Thero along with a clique conspired to assassinate Bandaranaike. Their unwitting instrument was Talduwe Somarama Thera, who was an ardent Sinhala Buddhist nationalist. Being highly emotional Somarama was easily manipulated by Buddharakkitha who convinced him into believing that the PM was a traitor to the country, race and religion and therefore should be eliminated. Somarama was a mere cat’s paw.

According to a confession made by Somarama Thero, Buddharakkitha Thero accompanied by HP Jayawardena had visited him at the Kotte Amara Vihare in August 1959. He had been critical of SWRD Bandaranaike who was allegedly betraying the Country, the race and the Religion. If this situation is not corrected “there would be no place for us in this land, nor would there be a place for Sinhala people, their religion or their language” Buddharakkitha told Somarama.

Buddharakkitha said that Bandaranaike had to be killed in order to save the country, race and religion. “If you do this we shall ensure that you will not be in custody for more than two or three weeks.” Somarama was told. When the Bhikku agreed to kill Bandaranaike, both departed and later gave him a pistol belonging to the infamous Ossie Corea. Thereafter W. A.Newton Perera a Police inspector attached to the Colpetty Police took Somarama to Muthurajawela. a few times and taught him how to shoot. Somarama Thero’s incriminating confession (which he retracted later) enabled the Police to make some important arrests.

In a sensational development the all-powerful Mapitigama Buddharakkitha Thero was arrested on October 20th 1959. Vimala was arrested on November 21st , In fairness to Vimala Wijewardena it must be noted that her innocence was ultimately proved and she was cleared by courts of complicity in the crime.

Seven Peersons Indicted

After several weeks of intensive investigation the Police were ready to go to courts. On November 26th 1959 – exactly two months after Bandaranaike’s death – seven persons were indicted in the chief magistrate’s court of Colombo on a charge of conspiring to murder SWRD Bandaranaike. They were –

1.Mapitigama Buddharakkitha Thero
2. Hemachandra Piyasena Jayawardena
3. Pallihakarage Anura de Silva
4. Talduwe Somarama Thero
5. Weerasooriya Arachchige Newton Perera
6. Vimala Wijewardene
7. Amerasinghe Arachchige Carolis Amerasinghe

In addition to the conspiracy charge, Somarama Thero the fourth accused was also charged with commitment of murder. Incidently Somarama Thero had confessed to committing the murder in his statements to the Police and also to the chief magistrate. However he changed his position later at the Supreme court trial.

Within a short time the seventh accused AAC Amerasinghe(Kolonnawa urban councillor)received a conditional pardon in terms of section 283 of the Criminal procedure code and thereafter became a witness for the prosecution.

Non-summary proceedings began and after a long magisterial inquiry , the sixth accused Vimala Wijewardene was cleared of all charges of conspiracy and deemed innocent of any complicity. She was discharged on July 15th 1960.

The Magisterial Inquiry under Colombo Chief Magistrate N.A. de S. Wijesekara went on for 124 days with 193 witnesses testifying.The Chief Magistrate committed the first five accused to stand trial before Supreme Court on charges of conspiracy and murder.

Supreme Court Trial

The Supreme court trial began against the five accused on 22nd February 1961 before Justice TS Fernando QC OBE . The foreman of the seven member English speaking jury was D.W.L .Lieversz snr. The others were J. A. Bocks, D. J. C. Fernando, G. B. L. Jayaratne, S. Ratnam,T. E. Jansz & L. D. G. de Silva. Ninety-seven witnesses testified and were cross examined. The Solicitor-General AC Alles along with deputy solicitor –general ACM Ameer conducted the case on behalf of the prosecution with senior crown counsels R.S.Wanasundara and R.I. Obeyesekera assisting.

The first accused Buddharakitha Thero and second accused Jayawrdena were able to retain a reputed British Queens counsel, Phineas Quass to defend them.The third accused Anura de Silva’s lawyer was Kenneth Shinya who was assisted by K.Ratnaesar.The fourth accused Somarama Thero was defended by Lucian G.Weeramantry who appeared free of charge for the Bhikku. N. Satyendra son of eminent Queens counsel S. Nadesan appeared for the fifth accused Newton Perera. Satyendra was assisted by A. Mahesan.

After the legal eagles concluded their submissions, the judge began his charge to the jury on May 5 1961. The lengthy summing-up went to 458 pages of typescript. Within five days the Jury returned its verdict. The trial concluded on May 12th 1961 after fifty-five days of hearing. The proceedings were well publicized and extensively reported in the media.

The third accused Anura de Silva was acquitted with the jury voting unanimously in his favour. The fifth accused Newton Perera was acquitted on a divided verdict with five voting in favour of the accused and two against. The Jury found the first accused Buddharakkitha Thero, second accused HP Jayewardena and fourth accused Somarama Thero guilty by a unanimous verdict.
Death sentence was pronounced on all three of them. All three faced death by hanging. During the trial Somarama had stopped wearing the yellow robes when appearing in Courts.This led to Justice Fernando observing that Somarama “had a streak of conscience as he did not attend court in his saffron robes.”

Terrible Vindictiveness

It may be recalled that a dying Bandaranaike had urged compassion be shown to his killer. Contrary to his wishes the SLFP regimes in power under both Dahanayake (1959-60 March ) and Sirima Bandaranaike (1960 July – 1965)displayed a terrible vindictiveness rather than bestowing clemency upon the condemned.

When SWRD Bandaranaike was Prime minister his government had passed the suspension of Capital punishment act no 20 of 1958.This led to the death penalty being suspended from May 9th 1958.In the aftermath of Bandaranaike’s assassination the Dahanayake government revised its stance hastily.Within a week a gazette extraordinary proclamation dated October 2nd 1959 re-introduced the death penalty. This was to impose maximum punishment on those responsible for the assassination.

Thereafter new legislation was introduced. The Capital punishment (Repeal) Act was passed after speedy debate in Parliament.It became law on December 7th 1959. An obnoxious feature was the new law’s retrospective effect. It was crystal clear that the intention was to inflict the death penalty on those responsible for the earlier assassination of September 26th.

Legal Loophole

However even the best laid plans of men and mice turn awry.Though all three convicted persons would have had to face the death penalty there was a legal loophole that helped Buddharakkitha and Jayewardena.

Before the suspension of capital punishment act was passed even those guilty of murder and a murder conspiracy had to face death as punishment. But section 2 of the suspension act ensured that capital punishment not be imposed for the murder offence and conspiracy for the commission of murder.The punishment was reduced to a maximum of life imprisonment.

In its haste to repeal the suspension act and re-impose the death penalty with retrospective effect the Dahanayake regime had made a slip. While the repeal act specifically provided for sentence of death for a person convicted for murder committed prior to December 2nd 1959 there was no similar provision made specifically for the offence of conspiracy to commit murder.

All three convicted persons Buddharakitha Thero, Somarama Thero and HP Jayawardena appealed against their death sentence to the then Court of Criminal Appeal. The five Judge bench presided over by then Chief Justice Hema H. Basnayake comprised – Justices MC Sansoni, HNG Fernando, N. Sinnetamby and LB de Silva.

It was argued on behalf of Buddharakkitha and Jayawardena that the maximum punishment for the offence of conspiring to commit murder was rigorous imprisonment for life. E.G.Wickremanayake Q.C.submitted that the Act which re-introduced the death penalty for murder did not in specific terms re-introduce such penalty for conspiracy to commit murder.The Criminal Appeal court concurred with the submission.The appeal of all three were dismissed but courts amended the sentences imposed on Buddharakkitha and Jayewardena from death to rigorous life imprisonment. Thus both of them were saved from the gallows due to this legal loophole.

Unforgivingly Ruthless

An SLFP government led by Bandaranaike’s widow was now in office. The SLFP government was unforgivingly ruthless. Angered by the Appeal court decision the government decided to go ahead and enact special legislation.

On January 18th 1962 the Parliament’s order paper carried notice of presentation of the capital punishment (Special provisions) bill. It was presented by CP de Silva the leader of the House.The bill dealt specifically with the Bandaranaike assassination and made express provision for execution of those convicted for murder and conspiracy to murder the former premier. Clause 3 of the bill rendered null and void the Appeal courts decision to alter death sentence to life imprisonment for those guilty of conspiracy.

The malevolent nature of the bill evoked loud protests and outcry. It was obvious that a vengeful government was planning to condemn to the gallows persons who benefited from a legal loophole. LSSP leader and eminent lawyer Dr. Colvin R de Silva summed up the bill by observing that the “barbarous bill amounted to murder by statute”.

Appalled by the adverse reaction and widespread opposition the government simply withdrew the bill on January 25th on the pretext that an appeal to the Privy council was in progress. On January 27th 1962 the Country was shocked by news of an abortive coup d’etat. With that the focus on the Bandaranaike assassination shifted.

Privy Council

Meanwhile all three convicted persons resorted to have their verdicts reversed by the Judicial committee of the Privy council in the UK. Applications for special leave to appeal to Her Majesty in Privy Council by all three convicted persons were refused by an order of the Privy Council in May 1962. Sir Dingle Foot QC, appeared on an honorary basis for Ven. Somarama, at the final appeal before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

Talduwe Somarama Thero prepared himself to face death.He thanked in open court his counsel Weeramanthri who appeared free for him “I thank my counsel who defended me at this trial like a true lion” said Somarama. Weeks before his execution Somarama was converted to Christianity and was baptised in his cell by an Anglican Priest.He was hanged in the Welikade gallows on July 6th 1962 at the age of 48. The hanging was undertaken by State executioner Lewis Singho and his assistant Subatheris Appu.

The Dudley Senanayake Government of 1965 -70 on May 7, 1966 commuted the life imprisonment sentences of the 1st and 2nd accused to 20-years.However the 1st accused Mapitigama Buddharakkitha Thero died in 1967 of a heart ailment aged 46-years after having served time at Welikada prison for 71/2-years of his sentence. The then Deputy Commissioner of Prisons R.J.N.Jordan told the media that Buddharakkitha Thero ruined his health by constant overeating.

The 2nd accused Hemachandra Piyasena Jayawardena served 171/2-years of his sentence. On April 6th 1972 the Justice ministry under the Sirimavo Bandaranaike Govt issued a directive under emergency regulations that prisoners who were given sentences of over ten years and had served five years could be released. This was to mark Ceylon becoming the republic Sri Lanka on May 22nd 1972. However HP Jayawardena was among the “unlucky” few denied freedom by the SLFP dominated Govt. Ultimately HP Jayawardena was released on August 4, 1977 a fortnight after the UNP led by JR Jayewardene swept the polls on July 21st 1977.

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com.

This article appears in the “Political Pulse”Column of the “Daily FT’dated 27 September 2024.It can be accessd here –

https://www.ft.lk/d-b-s-jeyaraj/The-prelate-and-the-premier-Why-Buddharakkitha-Thera-got-S-W-R-D-Bandaranaike-murdered/10496-767220

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By

Meera Srinivasan

Sri Lanka’s newly elected government led byPresident Anura Kumara Dissanayake has restored the country’s old visa system, adhering to a recent Supreme Court order that suspended a controversial new portal managed by a consortium including an Indian company.

The announcement was made late on Thursday (September 26, 2024), almost two months after the country’s top court directed immigration authorities to revert to the online platform that was in use before the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration switched to the new system, roping in GBS Technology Services, the India-registered IVS Global Services, and VFS Global.

In April this year, Mr. Wickremesinghe’s government opted for the new system. Following the move, Sri Lanka’s visa fee nearly doubled, sparking concern within the island nation’s tourism industry, a key foreign exchange earner.

Continue reading ‘Sri Lanka’s new Govt led by President Anura Kumar Dissanayake Restores Country’s Old Visa System in Adherence to a Recent Supreme Court Ruling’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

September 26th is of particular significance to a substantial number of Sri Lankan Tamils . For it was on this day in 1987 that a senior member of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Thileepan died in Nallu after undertaking a fast unto death.

Although the LTTE lost thousands of cadres during the many years it waged war against the Sri Lankan State, the death of Thileepan was different from the deaths of other LTTE fighters. Thileepan’s demise was not due to direct violence but due to non-violent direct action.

He engaged in a fast unto death protest on 15 September 1987 and died after 12 days of fasting without even drinking water. This was after the Indo-Lanka accord of 29 July 1987. The Indian army referred to as the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was stationed in Jaffna then.

Thileepan’s fast and death has been etched into the collective memory of Tamils over the years. His death is commemorated on a wide scale every year. Thileepan’s 37th death anniversary falls next week on 26 September 2024. It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on “Thiyagi Thileepan” relying on earlier writings.

Continue reading ‘Tiger Leader “Thiyagi” Thileepan Weaponised Non-Violence Through his Fast Unto Death in September 27.’ »

By Krishantha Prasad Cooray

On the morning of the 13th of July 2022, nothing seemed certain about Sri Lanka. Just two months prior, the country had declared bankruptcy and defaulted on more than $50 billion of sovereign debt. Its self-styled ‘patriotic’ president had just fled the country, cowering in the back of a cargo plane. For several days, it was not clear who was running Sri Lanka. It seemed certain to citizens and prognosticators alike that the country would follow firmly in the footsteps of Venezuela, Argentina, or Tunisia, with popular uprising leading to a further backslide into autocracy and economic paralysis.

No one could have predicted, on that Wednesday morning, that in just over two years, Sri Lanka would replenish its foreign reserves, amend the constitution to partly undo the authoritarian carte blanche of the 20th amendment, successfully renegotiate its debt, retain the independence of the judiciary and independent commissions, and hold what would become the most complex and peaceful presidential election in its history. Predicting any one of those things in July 2022 would have sounded optimistic. Predicting that they would all happen would have been sheer lunacy.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is no longer President because these accomplishments alone were not enough for voters to entrust him with another five years to captain the ship of state. However, as he announces his retirement from electoral politics, he has cemented his legacy by, for the third time in 15 years, taking the reins of a country in crisis and steering it away from the edge of oblivion.
Just as he did as Prime Minister in 2001 and 2015, as President in 2022 Wickremesinghe wasted no time explaining the gravity of the situation, engaging stakeholders both foreign and domestic, and rescuing the country from certain economic calamity. But just like in 2001 and 2015, Wickremesinghe once again found himself handicapped by the hand he was dealt.

Continue reading ‘Inside the Enigma: Ranil’s Legacy and Anura’s Destiny’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Sri Lanka’s ninth presidential election will be held on Saturday the 21st of September. More than 17 million (17,140, 354) Sri Lankans are registered as eligible voters. Nominally thirty-eight candidates are in the ring but only three are regarded as te leading contenders. The hectic election campaigns ended on Sep 18 but election fever is high. A large voter turn out is expected on election day.

It is indeed an irony that there is so much of enthusiasm over the election of the executive president despite the criticism directed against the executive presidential system in past years. The executive presidency is blamed extensively on the one hand while the country gets involved in presidential poll excitement on the other.

Since presidential elections are uppermost in the minds of most readrs, this column too would like to dwell on that topic. However electuon laws have placed some restrictions that stand in the way of such intentions. Hence this column focuses this week -with the aid of earlier writings – on a related theme namely the evolution and growth of the executive presidency in Sri Lanka.

The much maligned executive presidency was established by the United National Party (UNP) Govt of Junius Richard Jayawardene in 1978. JR’s nephew and incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe was himself part of the UNP govt which demolished the prevailing Westminster parliamentary system and brought in the presidential form of government.

Continue reading ‘Presidents May Come and Presidents May Go but JR Jayewardene’s Executive Presidency Goes on Forever.’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Tuesday (September 24, 2024) appointed MP and former academic Harini Amarasuriya as Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister, as part of a four-member Cabinet under him that will lead policy until the parliamentary elections scheduled on November 14.

The date for the general elections was announced through a gazette issued late on Tuesday, which said the parliament would be dissolved from midnight.

After Sri Lankans elected Mr. Dissanayake to the country’s top office in the September 21 presidential polls, he resigned as a Member of Parliament, and a National People’s Power [NPP] member took his place. The NPP Alliance has 3 MPs in the 225-member legislature, which is expected to be dissolved soon in preparation for the conduct of the general elections.

Continue reading ‘Academic Turned MP Dr.Harini Amarasuriya Becomes Third Woman to be Prime Minist of Sri Lanka after Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 1960 and Chandrika Kumaratunga in 1994; President Anura Dissanayake Dissolves Parliament to hold Election on 14th November’ »

By JAMILA HUSAIN and AJITH SIRIWARDENA

Parliament will be dissolved tonight(24) and a Parliamentary Election will be held by December, the Daily Mirror exclusively learns.

Following the resignation of Dinesh Gunawardena as the Prime Minister yesterday, a senior source from the National People’s Power (NPP) said that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake will today appoint an interim cabinet of four ministers, including himself, where 15 portfolios will be divided within them.

According to a list exclusively obtained by the Daily Mirror, President Dissanayake will keep the Tourism, Defence, Finance, Justice, Industry and Investment Promotion portfolios while the Prime Minister will become the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Education, and Mass Media among others.

Continue reading ‘President Dissanayake to Appont Four Member Cabinet Including Himself, to be in charge of 15 Portfolios. Harini Amarasuria to be Prime Ministe with Vijitha Herath and Lakshman Nipuna Arachchi as Ministers.Parliament will be Dissolved and Fresh Elections held in December’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

Sri Lanka’s newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on Monday (September 23, 2024) promised to strengthen democracy and “work hard to win people’s trust”, with the disclaimer that he is no “magician”.

“I am not a magician; I am not a miracle-worker. There are things I know and don’t know. But I will commit myself to doing the right thing at all times, and lead a collective effort to rebuild our nation,” he said, in his first address as President, just after being sworn in at the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo. It is the building that protesters stormed in July 2022, as they ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa amid a severe financial meltdown.

Mr. Dissanayake, 55, takes over the country’s top office when the island nation struggles to put a crippling economic crisis behind it. Scores of poor families are looking for urgent relief from the everyday economic strain amid high living costs and utility bills that shot up as part an IMF-led programme that introduced painful austerity measures.

Continue reading ‘“I am not a magician; I am not a miracle-worker. There are things I know and don’t know. But I will commit myself to doing the right thing at all times, and lead a collective effort to rebuild our nation,” Says Sri Lanka’s new President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at swearing in event’ »

(Text of Farewell Message delivwred by outgoing President Rani Wickremesinghe on 22 September 2024)

“Ayubowan!

Dear Citizens,

The people of the country have given their decision at this Presidential Election held on 21st September 2024. Therefore, we must respect their decision and act according to that mandate to ensure the functioning of the country.

Two years ago, I took over a bankrupt country and a collapsed economy at an extremely turbulent time.

I accepted the challenge at a time when no one else had the courage to face it.

I successfully completed the responsibility that history put upon my shoulders.
I was able to rescue my motherland from bankruptcy within a short period of two years.

I believe this to be the most important thing I could do for my country during my political career.

Inflation was 70% when I took over the country, but I could reduce it to 0.5% during my time as the President.

I increased the Foreign Reserve, which was at USD 20 Million when I came to power, to USD 5.7 Billion.

I was able to ensure that the Sri Lankan Rupee which was 380 against the US Dollar, came down to a strong and solid amount of 300.

Also, when I took over, the economic growth of the country was negative 7.3% (- 7.3%). But I was able to increase it to positive 2.3% (2.3%). I am happy and proud about it.

I believe that the future generation of the country will give the proper assessment for my historical political role, the way it deserves.

Continue reading ‘“I was able to rescue my motherland from bankruptcy within a short period of two years. I believe this to be the most important thing I could do for my country during my political career.”- Ranil Wickremesinghe.’ »

The National People’s Power (NPP) Presidential candidate and Opposition Parliamentarian Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected yesterday (22) as the ninth Executive President of Sri Lanka.

The Election Commission (EC) formally announced Dissanayake as the winner of the Election yesterday evening. The EC said that Dissanayake had garnered 42.31% of the votes at the 21 September Election, pushing Opposition and Samagi Jana Balawegaya Leader Sajith Premadasa to the second place and the outgoing President and United National Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to a distant third. Dissanayake received 5,740,179 votes including preferences.
Dissanayake is due to be sworn-in today (23) at the Presidential Secretariat, according to unconfirmed reports that quoted NPP members.

Continue reading ‘JVP-led NPP Leadr Anura Kumara Dissanayake Elected as Ninth President of Sri Lanka; Votes Received – Anura- -5,740,179; Sajith-4,530,902;Ranil -2,299,767; Namal- 342,781;Ariyanethiran- 226 343; Dilith – 122,396’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

Sri Lankans gave their mandate to the country’s next leader in a peacefully held Presidential election on Saturday (September 21, 2024). The outcome of the critical election, expected on Sunday (September 22, 2024), is watched closely as the island nation navigates a challenging phase of economic recovery following a crushing crisis two years ago.

While an announcement of the official voter turnout is awaited, the People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections, a local election observer group, said it was likely to be in the range of 75% to 80%. The last Presidential election in 2019 saw a record voter turnout of 83.72%.

The election assumes significance, for it is the first time citizens had a say in determining the country’s leadership after a historic people’s uprising in 2022 forced former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country and quit office, at the height of the crippling meltdown.

Continue reading ‘Sri Lanka’s Presidential Election Concludes Peacefully on Saturday (21); Full Results Expected on Sunday(22); estimated Voter Turn out 75 to 80% ; Eight hour Curfew from 10 PM to 8 AM’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Sri Lanka’s ninth presidential election will take place one week from now on 21 September 2024. Among the 38 contestants, three are regarded as the top contenders. They are President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa and JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Three others namely Hambantota District MP Namal Rajapaksa, Ex-Batticaloa MP Packiyaselvam Ariyanethiran and Entrepreneur cum media mogul Dilith Jayaweeraare are likely to poll a sizeable number of votes.

Incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe was interviewed by “Daily FT’editor Nisthar Cassim earlier this week. The exclusive interview commenced with two questions about the forthcoming presidential election on Sep 21. The first question was –

In the ongoing campaign trail, what have you seen and heard and what has surprised you?

Ranil’s response was as follows –

“This election is still wide open, with people carefully listening and considering their options for the future. I am the only one who has put up novel ideas promoting an export-oriented economy, women empowerment law, social justice commission, the parliamentary standards, implementing the 87 recommendations of the Priyasath Dep Commission, the agriculture modernisation and so on and so forth. No one has matched that or even addressed them. It is either maintaining the status quo or changing faces.”

The second question was-

Compared to a month ago, how strong has your election bid become?

Ranil’s reply was – “ It has picked up. My whole strategy was to actively engage after the nominations, not before. Others started earlier and did their campaign twice, but there is still nothing new to offer.”

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s answers to the two specific questions indicated that the president was seemingly confident about his electoral success while acknowledging the fact that the election verdict was still open.

Ranil’s responses in the “FT” interview illustrate the cool confidence he has been displaying during his presidential election campaign. People attending his meetings in the north,west,south,east and central parts of the Island have been impressed by the air of bonhomie, Ranil exudes. This easy-going ,lively Wickremesinghe is a reminder of the man seen at the Mustangs tent during the Royal-Thomian big match.

Continue reading ‘Why Ranil Wickremesinghe is Supremely Confident of Winning the 2024 Presidential Election.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

இலங்கையின் ஒன்பதாவது ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் எதிர்வரும் சனிக்கிழமை ( செப்டெம்பர் 21)நடைபெறவிருக்கிறது. 38 வேட்பாளர்களில் மூன்று பேரே பிரதான வேட்பாளர்களாக கருதப்படுகிறார்கள். ஜனாதிபதி ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க, எதிர்க்கட்சி தலைவர் சஜித் பிரேமதாச மற்றும் ஜே.வி.பி. / தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலைவர் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க ஆகியோரே அவர்கள். மற்றைய வேட்பாளர்களில் ஸ்ரீலங்கா பொதுஜன பெரமுனவின் வேட்பாளரான அம்பாந்தோட்டை பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் நாமல் ராஜபக்ச, தமிழ் பொதுவேட்பாளர் என்று வர்ணிக்கப்படும் தமிழ் தேசிய கூட்டமைப்பின் மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்ட முன்னாள் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் பாக்கியசெல்வம் அரியநேத்திரன் மற்றும் பல ஊடக நிறுவனங்களின் உரிமையாளரான திலித் ஜயவீர ஆகிய மூவரும் கணிசமான வாக்குகளைப் பெறக்கூடிய சாத்தியம் இருக்கிறது.

ஜனாதிபதி ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்கவை கடந்தவார முற்பகுதியில் ‘ டெயிலி ஃபைனான்சியல் ரைம்ஸ் பத்திரிகையின் ஆசிரியர் நிஸ்தார் காசிம் பேட்டி கண்டார். அந்த பிரத்தியேக பேட்டி எதிர்வரும் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் தொடர்பில் இரு கேள்விகளுடன் ஆரம்பித்தது.

தற்போது முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டு வரும் தேர்தல் பிரசாரங்களில் நீங்கள் கண்டது என்ன? கேட்டது என்ன? உங்களுக்கு ஆச்சரியத்தை தந்தது எது? என்பதே முதலாவது கேள்வி.

ரணிலின் பதில் பின்வருமாறு அமைந்தது ;

தேர்தல் இன்னமும் பரந்து திறந்ததாகவே இருக்கிறது. மக்கள் கவனமாக கேட்கிறார்கள். எதிர்காலத்துக்கான தங்களது தெரிவுகள் குறித்து பரிசீலிக்கிறார்கள். நான் மாத்திரமே ஏற்றுமதியை அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்ட ஒரு பொருளாதாரம், பெண்களை வலுவூட்டுவதற்கான சட்டம், சமூகநீதி ஆணைக்குழு, பாராளுமன்ற தராதரங்கள், பிரயசெத் டெப் ஆணைக்குழுவின 87 விதப்புரைகளை நடைமுறைப்படுத்துதல், விவசாயத்தை நவீனமயமாக்கல் மற்றும் பல விடயங்களை மேம்படுத்தும் புதுமையான யோசனைகளை முன்வைத்திருக்கிறேன். மற்றவர்கள் எவரும் அதற்கு இணையான யோசனைகளை முன்வைக்கவில்லை. அந்த விவகாரங்களை கையாளவுமில்லை. அவர்களது யோசனைகள் தற்போதிருக்கும் நிலைவரத்தை தொடர்ந்து பேணுவது அல்லது முகத்தை மாற்றுவதாகவே இருக்கிறது.

ஒரு மாதத்துக்கு முந்திய நிலைவரத்துடன் ஒப்பிடும்போது தேர்தலில் வெற்றிபெறும் உங்கள் வாய்ப்பு எவ்வளவு வலுவானதாக மாறியிருக்கிறது என்பது இரண்டாவது கேள்வி.

” அதில் முன்னேற்றம் ஏற்பட்டிருக்கிறது. எனது முழு தந்திரோபாயமுமே நியமனப்பத்திரம் தாக்கலுக்கு பின்னர் பிரசாரச் செயற்பாடுகளை தீவிரப்படுத்துவதாக இருந்ததே தவிர அதற்கு முந்தியதாக இருக்கவில்லை. மற்றையவர்கள் முன்கூட்டியே ஆரம்பித்து விட்டார்கள். அவர்கள் தங்களது பிரசாரத்தை இரு தடவைகள் செய்தார்கள். ஆனால் இன்னமும் மக்கள் முன்னால் புதிதாக எதையும் முன்வைக்கவில்லை” என்பதே அந்த கேள்விக்கான ரணிலின் பதிலாக இருந்தது.

இந்த இரு பிரத்தியேகமான கேள்விகளுக்கும் ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க அளித்திருக்கும் பதில்கள் தேர்தல் தீர்ப்பு இன்னமும் திறந்ததாகவே இருக்கிறது என்பதை அவர் ஏற்றுக்கொள்கின்ற அதேவேளை தனது வெற்றியில் நம்பிக்கை கொண்டவராக இருக்கிறார் என்று தெரிகிறது என்பதை சுட்டிக்காட்டின.

தனது பிரசாரங்களின் போது ரணில் பரபரப்பு இல்லாத நம்பிக்கையை வௌாக்காட்டிவருகிறார் என்பதை ‘ ஃபைனான்சியல் ரைம்ஸுக்கு ‘ அவர் அளித்த பேட்டி தெளிவாகக் காட்டுகிறது. வடக்கு, கிழக்கு, தெற்கு, மேற்கு மற்றும் மத்திய பகுதிகளில் ரணிலின் கூட்டங்களில் கலந்துகொள்கின்ற மக்கள் அவர் வெளிப்படுத்துகின்ற நட்புரிமையானால் கவரப்பட்டவர்களாக இருக்கிறார்கள். சர்வசாதாரணமாக எளிதாகவும் சுறுசுறுப்பாகவும் அவர் மக்களுடன் பழகுகின்ற முறை றோயல் — தோமியன் கிரிக்கெட் போட்டியின்போது முஸ்ராங்ஸ் கூடாரத்திற்குள் காணப்படும் மனிதரை நினைவுபடுத்துகிறது.

நாட்டின் பொருளாதாரத்தை மீட்டெடுப்பதற்கான நடவடிக்கைகளில் ஜனாதிபதி வகித்த பாத்திரத்துக்கு தனது நன்றியை வெளிப்படுத்த கிளிநொச்சியில் முன்பின் தெரியாத ஒரு தமிழ்ப் பெண்மணி அவருக்கு தொப்பியொன்றை அன்பளிப்புச் செய்தார். தம்பதெனியவில் நடைபெற்ற பிரசாரக் கூட்டம் ஒன்றில் அந்த தொப்பியை விக்கிரமசிங்க மகிழ்ச்சியுடன் அணிந்துகொண்டதன் மூலம் அதன் மீது மக்களின் கவனத்தை ஈர்த்தார்.அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்கவை தனது நண்பர் என்று ரணில் வேண்டுமென்றே குறிப்பிடுகிறார். ஆதரவாளர்கள் கூச்சலிடும்போது அவர்களைப் பார்த்து ” கூச்சல் போடவேண்டாம். அவர் எனது நண்பர் ” என்று ஜனாதிபதி விளையாட்டாக கேட்கிறார்.

உற்சாகமான ஒரு அசட்டைப்போக்கு ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் ஒன்றின் தற்போதைய பின்புலத்தில் இரு காரணங்களின் விளைவாக மாத்திரமே வெளிக்கிளம்ப முடியும். முதலாவது இந்த ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் போட்டியில் தானே வெற்றியாளர் என்று உச்சஅளவில் அவர் நம்பிக்கை கொண்டிருக்கிறார். இரண்டாவது உளரீதியாகவும் உணர்வுரீதியாகவும் அவர் இறுதி முடிவில் இருந்து விடுபட்டவராக இருக்கிறார். ” பகவத்கீதையில் ” கூறப்பட்டதைப் போன்று பயன்கள் நேர்மறையாக இருந்தாலென்ன எதிர்மறையாக இருந்தாலென்ன அவற்றை எதிர்பார்க்காமல் தனது கடமை என்று கருதுவதை விக்கிரமசிங்க செய்துமுடிக்கிறார்.

Continue reading ‘2024 ஜனாதிபதித் தேர்தலில் தானே வெற்றி பெறுவேன் என்று ரணில் அதிக அளவில் நம்பிக்கை கொண்டவராய் இருப்பது ஏன்?’ »

By

Tisaranee Gunasekara

“Have you learned nothing from history?” Freud (The Future of an Illusion)

“Wrath” is the opening word of The Iliad. Wrath is a key driver of the upcoming presidential election. People are angry at political leaders for bankrupting the country. Hopefully, the anger is accompanied by reason, not just pointing fingers outward but also looking inward.

Those political leaders did not force themselves into power. They were elected by majorities of Sri Lankans. We too bear some culpability for our tragedy.

Unfortunately, wrath is blinding and not enlightening, a truth The Iliad amply illustrates. Enraged at the injustice done to him by Agamemnon, the supreme commander of the Greek forces, Achilles not only retires from the war against Troy; he also conspires to humiliate Agamemnon by making him go down in utter defeat.

He is too angry to see that the defeat would not be the unjust king’s alone; it would be shared by the entire Greek host. Agamemnon would emerge alive from the rout, but many Greeks who had nothing to do with his dastardly conduct wouldn’t.

Achilles cannot see this reality because he is blinded by wrath. The blinders fall only when his beloved friend and companion Patroclus is killed in battle.

Rage remains, though, and reason continues elude this greatest of Greek soldiers. Wrath still drives him, at himself and at Patroculs’s killer. By the time wrath departs and sanity returns, he is a doomed man like Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans in 2022.

The IHP poll for August points to an open election with no candidate able to clear the 50%+1 bar. Anura Kumara Dissanayake is in the lead in voting intentions and net favourability ratings. But Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe too have paths to victory, albeit of different proportions.

Continue reading ‘Racism plays no overt role in this election but racism is far from dead. It will raise its destructive head when this lot of dreams too turn into ashes and the new president begins the inevitable transformation from hero to villain.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi (ITAK) regarded as the premier political party of the Sri Lankan Tamils has declare its support for Samagi Jana Sandhanaya (SJS) leader Sajith Premadasa in the Presidential2 election scheduled on 21 September 2024. The “Mathiya Seyal Kuzhu”(Central Working Committee) of the party met on September 1st and resolved to support the leader of the opposition at the presidential poll. The ITAK known in Englih as the Federal Party(FP) also decided to oppose the Common Tamil Presidential Candidate Packiyaselvam Ariyanethiran and called upon him to withdraw his candidacy. Ex-MP ariyanethiran is an ITAK office-bearer.

The ITAK was the last among the important political parties representing the interests of ethnic minorities in Sri Lanka to announce its resolve to support Sajith Premadasa’s candidacy at the 2024 presidential hustings. Other prominent Tamil and Muslim parties backing Sajith at the polls are the Tamil Progressive Alliance(TPA) led by Mano Ganesan, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress(SLMC) led by Rauff Hakeem and the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC) led by Rishad Bathudeen. It is clear therefore that Sajith Premadasa now has the backing of the four major Tamil and Muslim Parties.

When the 2024 Presidential elections drew near, it was widely speculated that incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe would harvest the bulk of the Muslim and Tamil votes at the presidential poll. This was because Ranil Wickremesinghe had over the years acquired a minority friendly reputation and had enjoyed considerable support among the Tamil and Muslim people. Moreover some minority community parties were constituents of the Government headed by him. Furthermore some influential MPs who had broken away from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna(SLPP) as well as the Samagi Jana Balavegaya(SJB) were also supportive.

Sajith Premadasa

In the 2020 Parliamentary election, parties such as the SLMC,TPA and ACMC had contested as part of the Sajith Premadasa-led SJB alliance under the telephone symbol. They continued to remain in the opposition . There were however great expectations that these parties would cross over to Ranil’s side when poll dates were announced. Thus the Ranil Wickremesinghe camp , confident of large scale minority community support was in a buoyant mood.

This anticipated minority party crossover did not materialize. The SLMC and ACMC representing Muslims and the TPA representing the Hill Country Tamils stayed put with Sajith Premadasa instead of jumping. These parties also signed separate agreements with Premadasa and joined the SJB led SJS alliance. Now the ITAK has also declared support for Sajith without signing a memorandum of understanding. It appears therefore that Sajith Premadasa will garner the greater part of Tamil and Muslim votes with the aid of these parties.

However this does not mean that Sajith Premadasa will have a monopoly of the Tamil and Muslim votes due to the support of these minority community political parties. In the first place it is uncertain as to whether these parties would be able to deliver the votes of the people en bloc as they have done in the past. There are discernible indicators that a substantial number of Tamil and Muslim voters have strong views of their own and will vote independently. More importantly the positive image of Ranil Wickremesinghe is likely to influence votes in his favour despite the stance taken by the party leaderships.

Continue reading ‘Ranil or Sajith? Who will get the Bulk of Tamil Votes in the 2024 Presidential Poll?’ »

By Charumini de Silva

With less than 10 days to go, incumbent Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday described the decisive Presidential election as “still open” but expressed confidence of victory on the strength of his proven prowess and the dynamic plan and implementation focus to deliver higher socio-economic growth.

Despite his busy schedule in the campaign trail, in an exclusive interview with the Daily FT – SC Securities joint initiative —Market Pulse, Wickremesinghe reiterated his commitment to driving economic stability, growth and prosperity for people in the next five years.

He emphasised that his manifesto is the most promising and effective, with the backing of several key legislations to implement the reform agenda aimed at ensuring the next wave of economic growth.

“Having stabilised the economy, my next focus is implementation. All this time, the Government was policy-oriented on economic restructuring and stabilisation. Now we have to get going with implementation. In this process, many Government agencies will have to go through change. Private sector has to take on a bigger responsibility,” he said.

Continue reading ‘2024 Presidential election is “still open” but Incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe is confident of victory on the strength of his proven prowess , dynamic plan and implementation focus to deliver higher socio-economic growth.’ »

By
Darshana Sanjeewa Balasuriya

A Severe controversy has erupted over a video circulating on social media showing Jalani Premadasa, the wife of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa supposedly receiving a present arms salute by SLAF personnel while she was entering the Air Force Camp in Palali yesterday (10)

The present arms is a salute position where the rifle is brought up vertically in line with the body and is usually given to the Heads of State and Members of Parliament

Continue reading ‘Was Sajith Premadasa’s Spouse Jalani Premadasa Given a “Present Arms”Salute by the Sri Lanka Air Force at Palaly in Jaffna?’ »

By
Ranga Jayasuriya

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna/National People’s Power candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake rides high on opinion polls, social media posts, Twitter and Facebook likes and the crowd size.

While none of them offers a credible measure of popular support, some local pundits take pride in parroting them, which are then regurgitated by foreign media and embassy cables.

Funny enough, the election analysis in this country has become yet another echo chamber of a small incestual circle of participants and data. (That’s how NGO activism in this country happened in the past).

For starters, those opinion polls smack of manipulation, either deliberately or due to prohibitively small and corrupted sample sizes. That gives the impression they are part of a greater scheme of things.

As far as the social media hype is concerned, the JVP has a dedicated cadre base to undertake the laborious work, even though similar services and more could be purchased for a modest sum in countless Telegram groups.

Continue reading ‘What would Happen to Sri Lanka if Anura Kumara Dissanayake Wins the 2024 Presidential Election and the JVP Forms the Next Government?’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

இலங்கை தமிழர்களின் பிரதான அரசியல் கட்சி என்று கருதப்படும் இலங்கை தமிழரசு கட்சி 2024 செப்டம்பர் 21 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் ஐக்கிய மக்கள் கூட்டணியின் ( சமகி ஜன சந்தானய ) தலைவர் சஜித் பிரேமதாசவை ஆதரிக்கப்போவதாக அறிவித்திருக்கிறது. செப்டெம்பர் முதலாம் திகதி வவுனியாவில் கூடிய அதன் ‘ மத்திய செயற்குழு ‘ அதற்கான தீர்மானத்தை எடுத்தது. தமிழ் பொதுவேட்பாளராக போட்டியிடும் பாக்கியசெல்வம் அரியநேத்திரனை ஆதரிப்பதில்லை என்றும் தீர்மானம் நிறைவேற்றப்பட்டது. மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்டத்தின் முன்னாள் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினரான அவர் தமிழரசு கட்சியின் மத்திய செயற்குழு உறுப்பினர்.

சிறுபான்மைச் சமூகங்களின் நலன்களைப் பிரதிநிதித்துவப்படுத்தும் முக்கியமான அரசியல் கட்சிகள் மத்தியில் தமிழரசு கட்சியே ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் பிரேமதாசவை ஆதரிக்கப்போவதாக இறுதியாக அறிவித்த கட்சியாகும். மனோ கணேசன் தலைமையிலான தமிழ் முற்போக்கு கூட்டணி, ரவூப் ஹக்கீம் தலைமையிலான ஸ்ரீலங்கா முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸ், ரிஷாத் பதியுதீன் தலைமையிலான அகில இலங்கை மக்கள் காங்கிரஸ் ஆகியவையே சஜித் பிரேமதாசவை ஆதரிக்கும் ஏனைய தமிழ், முஸ்லிம் கட்சிகளாகும். எனவே பிரேமதாசவுக்கு முக்கியமான தமிழ், முஸ்லிம் கட்சிகளின் ஆதரவு இருக்கிறது என்பது தெளிவானது.

ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் அண்மித்துக் கொண்டிருந்த வேளையில் தமிழர்களினதும் முஸ்லிம்களினதும் பெருமளவு வாக்குகளை ஜனாதிபதி ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்கவே தனதாக்கிக்கொள்வார் என்று பரவலாக எதிர்பார்க்கப்பட்டது. அவர் சிறுபான்மைச் சமூகங்களுக்கு நேசமானவர் என்ற நற்பெயரை நீண்டகாலமாகக் கொண்டிருப்பவர் என்பதும் தமிழ் மக்கள் மத்தியிலும் முஸ்லிம் மக்கள் மத்தியிலும் கணிசமான ஆதரவை அனுபவித்தவர் என்பதுமே அதற்கு காரணமாகும். மேலும், அவரின் தலைமையிலான அரசாங்கங்களில் சில சிறுபான்மைச் சமூகக்கட்சிகள் பங்காளிகளாக இருந்தன. அத்துடன் ஸ்ரீலங்கா பொதுஜன பெரமுனவில் இருந்தும் ஐக்கிய மக்கள் சக்தியில் இருந்தும் வெளியேறிய செல்வாக்குமிக்க பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் சிலரும் விக்கிரமசிங்கவை ஆதரிக்கிறார்கள்.

Continue reading ‘ரணில் ,சஜித், அநுர ? 2024 ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் தமிழ் மக்களின் பெருமளவு வாக்குகளை யார் பெறுவார்?’ »

By

Ranga Jayasuriya

When political pundits call the Presidential election of 2024 the most unpredictable of recent times, they are right. But then they attribute the uncertainty to the popular public anger at the traditional political establishment in the backdrop of the economic crisis. That is not without a grain of truth. However, it is over-simplifying and self-serving. It is oversimplifying because they often rely on chattering classes of the most vocal and closeted party activists to gauge public anger. It is self-serving because this has often made the self-proclaimed outsiders, such as the JVP, claim the election is theirs.

More than anything, the pundits overlook the most significant portion of the Sri Lankan electorate, who will decide the outcome of the presidential race. They are the 6.9 million voters who elected Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
They are the most numerically significant group that can decide the election. The current polls are uncertain because no one is sure where the large swathe of these voters would cast their vote.

Another popular fallacy is the fragmentation of the traditional conservative vote bloc that voted for the UNP, SJB and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). What is fragmented is not exactly the traditional bloc vote per se but the bloc vote of the SLPP, which happened to have the largest vote base at its untimely explosion.

By the last count of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election victory, it accounted for 6,924,255. This number includes a large swath of approximately 2 million floating votes. But, still, five million of the core vote base of Mahinda Rajapaksa, whose voters are now in disarray, is the most statistically significant portion of this election. Analyzing how they will vote is guesswork, making the current election difficult to call.

They did not simply disappear- they would return to cast their vote on September 21. And their vote will be the deterministic factor of the election.

The overwhelming sense of unpredictability is a novelty in electoral politics in the country. Consider previous elections – they were down to a number game or one-horse races. Two Presidential elections were one-horse races: the 2010 presidential election, which Mahinda Rajapaksa won against Sarath Fonseka and the 2019 election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa won against Sajith Premadasa. In both cases, the winner rode in a high wave of popular support that no number game could negate their electoral advantage.

General election

Presidential elections generally set the tempo for the general election that follows, still, unlike the 2019 rout of SJB in the general election, Rajapaksa’s UPFA went to poll 4.7 million votes, a tad 300,000 short of the winning UNP in the 2015 general election. That is the core vote base in action, unencumbered by the loss of the presidential election.

In other instances, such as the 2015 presidential election, the outcome was decided by clever arithmetic manoeuvring designed to negate the Southern electoral advantage of Mahinda Rajapaksa. In 2015, Maithripala’s choice was to eat into around one million Southern voters who would otherwise vote for MR and overwhelm his reduced advantage in the South with an overwhelming minority vote in the North and East.

The local government election in 2018 that set off the demise of the Good Governance Alliance was also a case in point of how things play out when you run roughshod against the number game. In that case, SLFP led by Maithripala Sirisena, who was unhappy that Ranil Wickremesinghe refused to support his run for a second term, decided to go it alone. The result was an overwhelming victory for the newly formed Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), which polled 5,006,837 votes (40.47%). However, the divided UNP (29.42%) -UPFA (12.10%) alliance still had a larger share of votes. Therefore, rather than a major change in the mood of the electorate, the numbers went awry for the UNP-UPFA.

The current presidential race, as it stands, is an uneven three-way race where no single candidate can dominate the electorate. At the same time, no amount of smart arithmetic jilmart or tactical voting could hold water when an overwhelming portion of the 6.9 million election-winning- bloc of voters is not counted in the equation.
One might say that these 6.9 million voters are not a monolithic entity. That may be the case, but they are vastly uniform in their outlook and aspirations. Of them, a good 4 million or more are the bloc vote of Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had polled more than 5 million or more easily in every previous election.

However, the SLPP is in disarray, and the larger portion of the same constituency has taken the brunt of the economic crisis. The extent of the damage wrought upon the poor and lower middle class that forms the bulk of the Rajapaksa’s loyal base is so significant that it has significantly eroded his support. Namal Rajapaksa may be running on the false belief that he could win a sizable part of that vote base. However, even in the most optimistic scenario, he is unlikely to win more than 10-15 per cent of the Rajapaksa bloc vote. Though that is not an election winner, the objective is probably to deprive Ranil Wickremesinghe of some of these votes.

Where the vast majority of the Rajapaksa bloc vote would now go is guesswork. So is where the floating vote of two million votes that Gotabaya Rajapaksa added to his winning margin.

voters

The tendency among some quarters is to delegitimise these voters as anti-Tamil, Islamophobic and Sinhala Buddhist extremists, etc. That is, again, sour grapes. There is no gainsaying that the 2019 election was racially charged, more than anything else, because of the multiple suicide attacks by Islamist terrorists and manifest security lapses on the part of the government.

However, the vast majority of these voters are nationalists, who, like the vast majority of Sri Lankans now, were distraught by the continued failure of the successive governments and inspired by Gota’s promise of an efficient government with a nationalistic flavour.

Needless to say, a good part of them were influenced by conspiracy theories. However, the success of such conspiracy theories was also due to the government’s failure, among other things, to have a degree of political control that is paramount for effective governance.

The economic crisis has unleashed both physical and psychological shock on these voters as consequential as the Easter Sunday attack. However, the collective disappointment at Gota’s letdown still haunts them. That may explain their silence. The economic trauma might have tempted their aspirations, including ethno- nationalism and economic nationalism. Once bitten twice shy, would they seek the continuation of political stability and economic reforms? Or would they opt for another round of dangerous political gamble? Either way, they will be the ones who would decide the election.

Courtesy:Daily Mirror

By

Kishali Pinto -Jayawardene

When NPP (National Peoples’ Power) candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake proclaimed unblushingly during election campaigning in the North a few days ago that his party is the only ‘non-racist’ party and he is the only ‘non-racist’ candidate in the coming presidential poll, that claim must be taken not only with a pinch but also a whole sack full of skeptical salt.

‘Not to cringe in the face of bigotry’

Reams have, of course, been written about the peculiar ‘Sinhala ethnic chauvinism’ (circa Bruce Mathews, 1989) of the NPP’s driving force, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) when under the iron thumb of its late unlamented founder Rohana Wijeweera. A much later reflection (‘The JVP and the Sinhala voter’, Kumar David, Colombo Telegraph, 2020) contains a kinder assessment on the lines that, this ‘roughness’ has mellowed and that the de-radicalized JVP is no longer ‘racist.’

Even here however and coming from an empathizer at that, there is an important rider that the JVP taking a principled/progressive stand on the ‘national question’ will be ‘electoral suicide’ for the party given its affinity with the ‘Sinhala petty-bourgeois and the Sinhala working class.’ David’s 2020 reflection contained a ringing call to the JVP to abandon playing ‘peek-a-boo’ with Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism and not to ‘shrivel up and cringe in the face of bigotry.’

Fast forward four years later with all the dirty water of the Gotabhaya Rajapaksa (GR) Presidency under the bridges, it is apparent that the JVP has not heeded that call. This is precisely why the Sinhala-Buddhist voting brigades of the GR fanbase have allied themselves firmly behind the NPP/JVP banner, ranging from sizeable pockets of the urban working class to the disaffected Sinhalese in the village, furious at being left to wilt in the despair of post-bankrupt Sri Lanka.

Continue reading ‘National Peoples’ Power (NPP) candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s proclamation that his party is the only ‘non-racist’ party and he is the only ‘non-racist’ Presidential Candidate is a claim that must be taken with a whole sack full of skeptical salt.’ »

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

With the Presidential Election still two weeks away, the main candidates are intensifying their campaigns, which are in full swing all over the country. Although 38 candidates are in the fray, many of them have not been seen in public for many days.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Leader Sajith Premadasa, and National People’s Power (NPP) Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in their election manifestos, have very gently presented plans based on their policies to bring Sri Lanka out of the economic morass and lead it on the path of development. But, as election day nears, they have started their old habits and are making a lot of promises on election platforms. There are serious doubts about the practicability of those promises.

If extraterrestrial beings were to land at their election meeting sites, they would no doubt be surprised to find themselves setting foot on one of the most affluent countries on Earth.

It was expected that the candidates would largely refrain from making unrealistic promises this time around, realising the current state of Sri Lanka’s economy, which went bankrupt two-and-a-half years ago. However, they keep throwing out a lot of promises of economic concessions at will, without thinking about whether they can be implemented or not.

Let’s hope people don’t get fooled like in the past.

Continue reading ‘President Ranil Wickremesinghe believes, or expects others to believe, that the real contest in the presidential hustings is going to be between him and Anura Kumara Dissanayake.’ »

BY

D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The eagerly anticipated 2024 presidential election is scheduled to be held on 21 September 2024. Initially 39 candidates were in the fray. The death of a declared candidate has lowered the number to 38.Chief among the candidates are incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe and Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa.

Among other notable presidential aspirants are JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, SLPP national organizer Namal Rajapaksa, media mogul Dilith Jayaweera, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, Former Justice minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, Ex-Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe, Veteran leftist Siritunge Jayasuriya, FSP activist Nuwan Bopage and former Batticaloa Parliamentarian P. Ariyanethiran.

It is common knowledge that the three main contenders in the presidential stakes are Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sajith Premadasa and AK Dissanayake. Two others expected to make a mark are Namal Rajapaksa and Dilith Jayaweera.

There are however some candidates who are competing due to specific reasons. Some are “dummy”candidates propped up by vested interests. Some are publicity seekers .Many candidates know fully well that they have no chance whatsoever of winning. Nevertheless they are contesting with a specific purpose or to prove a particular point.

One such person is Packiyaselvam Ariyanethiran contesting as an independent candidate under the conch or chank symbol. The 69 year old former Batticaloa district MP is contesting as the Common Tamil presidential candidate. He is backed by a group comprising civil society organizations and political parties. Ariyanethiran known generally as Ariyam is described in the Tamil media as the “Thamizh Pothu Vaetpaalar”or Tamil common candidate.

Continue reading ‘Contours of the Common Tamil Presidential Candidate Controversy’ »

By

Yohan Perera

A group of SLPP MPs together with several other parties today formed the Podujana Eksath Nidahas Peramuna (PENP) led by Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena.

Minister Ramesh Pathirana will be the General Secretary of the new alliance. The symbol of the party is the cup.

Allies of the new alliance include a section of the SLPP, the MEP, TMVP, EPDP, National Congress, Lanka Jathika Estate Workers Union, United Peoples Party, SLMP and the Deshapremi Janatha Balawegaya.

The new alliance will be supporting President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the forthcoming Presidential elections.

Courtesy:Daily Mirror

By
Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

The election manifestos of the three main presidential candidates were released last week.

First, on 26 August, National People’s Power (NPP) Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake released his manifesto titled ‘A Thriving Nation – A Beautiful Life’. Then, on 29 August, President Ranil Wickremesinghe released his manifesto under the title ‘Five Triumphant Years for Sri Lanka with Ranil’, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Leader Sajith Premadasa released his under the title ‘A Win for All.’

The three of them have prioritised their plans to rescue Sri Lanka from the economic crisis in their manifestos and have presented proposals to solve most of the problems facing the country and its people. But it is doubtful that ordinary people would care to read these lengthy declarations with patience.

Wickremesinghe’s firm conviction is that there is no other way for economic recovery except to continue the economic restructuring measures carried out for the past two years in accordance with the agreement his Government made with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Speaking as if the other two main candidates could not carry out those restructuring measures effectively, he is asking the people to give him a five-year mandate.

Premadasa and Dissanayake have also announced that they will continue with the agreement with the IMF with some amendments but will hold talks with the international lender to reduce taxes that burden the people. Therefore, whoever becomes the new president, it is clear that his action plan regarding the economic recovery will be carried out in accordance with the IMF agreement.
Amending the Constitution

Continue reading ‘Dreamworld politics is easy. But it is important for the Tamil people today to think about a practical approach.’ »

டி.பி.எஸ். ஜெயராஜ்

இம்மாதம் 24 ஆம் திகதி நடைபெறவிருக்கும் ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் 39 வேட்பாளர்கள் போட்டியிடுவதாக அறிவிக்கப்பட்டது. ஒருவர் இறந்ததை அடுத்து இப்போது 38 பேர் களத்தில் நிற்கிறார்கள். அவர்களில் ஜனாதாபதி ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்கவும் எதிர்க்கட்சி தலைவர் பிரேமதாசவுமே பிரதான வேட்பாளர்கள்.

ஜனதா விமுக்தி பெரமுன (ஜே.வி.பி.) தலைமையிலான தேசிய மக்கள் சக்தியின் தலைவர் அநுரா குமார திசாநாயக்க, ஸ்ரீலங்கா பொதுஜன பெரமுனவின் தேசிய அமைப்பாளர் நாமல் ராஜபக்ச,பிரபல ஊடக நிறுவனங்களின் உரிமையாளரான திலித் ஜயவீர, பிலாட் மார்ஷல் சரத் பொன்சேகா, முன்னாள் நீதியமைச்சர் விஜேதாச ராஜபக்ச, முன்னாள் விளையாட்டுத்துறை அமைச்சர் ரொஷான் ரணசிங்க, மூத்த இடதுசாரி தலைவர் சிறிதுங்க ஜெயசூரிய, முன்னரங்க சோசலிஸ்ட் கட்சியின் செயற்பாட்டாளர் நுவான் போபகே மற்றும் முன்னாள் மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்ட பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் பாக்கியசெல்வம் அரியநேத்திரன் ஆகியோர் ஏனைய குறிப்பிடத்தக்க வேட்பாளர்கள்.

முக்கியமான போட்டியாளர்களாக ஜனாதிபதி விக்கிரமசிங்கவும் பிரேமதாசவும் திசாநாயக்கவுமே இருக்கிறார்கள் என்பது வெளிப்படையானது. குறிப்பிடத்தக்க அளவுக்கு வாக்குகளைப் பெறக்கூடியவர்களாக நாமல் ராஜபக்சவையும் திலித் ஜயவீரவையும் எதிர்பார்க்கலாம்.

ஆனால், சில வேட்பாளர்கள் விசேட காரணங்களுக்காக தேர்தலில் போட்டியிடுகிறார்கள். வேறு சிலர் இரகசிய காரணங்களுக்காக ” போலி ” வேட்பாளர்களாக நிற்கிறார்கள். சிலர் விளம்பரம் தேடுபவர்கள். ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் எந்த விதத்திலும் தங்களால் வெற்றபெறமுடியாது என்பது பல வேட்பாளர்களுக்கு மிகவும் நன்றாகத் தெரியும். இருந்தாலும் பிரத்தியேகமான நோக்கங்களுக்காக அல்லது ஏதோ ஒரு செய்தியைக் கூறுவதற்காக போட்டியிடுகிறார்கள்.

அத்தகையவர்களில் ஒருவரான அரியநேத்திரன் சங்கு சின்னத்தின் கீழ் ஒரு சுயேச்சை வேட்பாளராக போட்டியிடுகின்றார். 69 வயதான முன்னாள் மட்டக்களப்பு பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினரான அவர் தமிழ் பொது ஜனாதிபதி வேட்பாளராக களத்தில் நிற்கிறார். சிவில் சமூக அமைப்புக்களையும் சில தமிழ் அரசியல் கட்சிகளையும் உள்ளடக்கிய குழு ஒன்று அவரை ஆதரிக்கிறது. அரியம் என்று பொதுவாக அழைக்கப்படும் அரியநேத்திரன் தமிழ் ஊடகங்களில் ‘ தமிழ் பொதுவேட்பாளர் ‘ என்று வர்ணிக்கப்படுகிறார்.

Continue reading ‘ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தலில் தமிழ் பொதுவேட்பாளரும் தமிழர் அரசியலின் எதிர்காலமும்’ »

By

Meera Srinivasan

The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), a prominent political party representing Tamils of Sri Lanka’s north and east, on Sunday (September 1) pledged support for presidential aspirant Sajith Premadasa in the September 21 election.

The move, which reflects one significant position within the island nation’s fragmented Tamil polity, comes even as the ITAK’s former coalition partners — along with other political groups — back former parliamentarian and ITAK member P. Ariyanethiran as a “common Tamil candidate” in the presidential race, in which incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Mr. Premadasa, and opposition politician Anura Kumara Dissanayake have emerged as key contenders.

The central committee of ITAK met on Sunday and decided the party will not back Mr. Ariyanethiran, instead announcing its support for Mr. Premadasa, who Tamils voted for in large numbers in the 2019 presidential election, principally to reject Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Further, ITAK sources said the party would request Mr. Ariyanethiran to withdraw from the race, to arrest the apparent divisions within the Tamil electorate.

Continue reading ‘Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi (ITAK) Decides to Back Sajith Premadasa at Presidential Poll; ITAK Will ask Party stalwart P. Ariyanethiran to Withdraw from Contesting as the “Common Tamil Candidate”’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Nominations have closed for the long awaited 2024 presidential election. 39 candidates are in the fray.It is widely acknowledged by the press and public that the chief presidential contenders are incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe,leader of the opposition Sajith Premadasa and JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Two others expected to make a mark are Namal Rajapaksa and Dilith Jayaweera.

However the icing on the winning candidate’s cake would be the minority vote. In a keenly contested poll that is likely to trifurcate the Sinhala vote in near equal proportion, the minority community vote could very well provide the necessary numbers to clinch victory. In such a situation the voting pattern of the premier numerical minorities assumes crucial importance.

Sri Lanka’s last official census was taken in 2012. According to that census, Sri Lanka’s majority ethnic community the Sinhalese comprises 74.9 % of the island nation’s population. Numerically, the second largest ethnicity is the Sri Lankan Tamils who are 11.1% of the population. The third largest ethnicity is the Sri Lankan Muslims or Moors who comprise 9.3% of the population. The fourth largest ethnic group is the Tamils of Indian origin known as “Malaiyagath Thamizhar” (Hill Country Tamils) who are 4.1%.

The three numerical minorities namely the Sri Lankan Tamils, Muslims and Indian Tamils together are 25.5% of the population. Since the people of all districts vote together in the Presidential elections, the entire island is transformed into a “single” constituency with a 74.9% Sinhala majority and 25.5 % non – Sinhala minorities.

It is against this backdrop that this week’s column examines the impact of the 2024 presidential election on Sri Lankan Muslim politics. The focus of this two-part article would be on the three Muslim political parties represented in Parliament and their response towards the presidential poll. The roles played by Tamil political parties would be discussed in future articles.

Continue reading ‘2024 Presidential Election Divides Muslim Political Parties with Leaders Backing Sajith and Some MPs Supporting Ranil.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Saumiyamoorthy (spelled sometimes as Saumyamoorthy or Saumiamoorthy) Thondaman was the legendary co-founder and long-time leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC). Thonda, as he was widely known, played a prominent role in the country’s post-independence politics for many decades.

His political life was intertwined with the vicissitudes of the Indian Tamil people of Sri Lanka, who still form the most deprived section of Sri Lankan society. He was a latter-day Moses whose goal was to emancipate his people from the wretched plight they were in owing to the historical injustice of being de-citizenised and disenfranchised. Although he could not fully realise these aspirations during his lifetime, it cannot be denied that the pragmatic leadership of Thondaman helped the people he represented to better their circumstances from the dire position they were in after the dawn of Sri Lanka’s independence.

In my opinion, Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was the shrewdest tactician and sagacious strategist among Tamil political leaders in recent times. He was a pragmatic realist who grasped in essence that politics is the art of the possible. Applying Chanakyan methods in a practical sense, this larger than life leader of Sri Lanka’s Tamils of recent Indian origin – known as “Indian Tamils” – helped usher in a period of political empowerment and renaissance to his community. I have often wistfully compared and contrasted Thondaman with the leaders thrown up by the Sri Lankan Tamils of the Northern and Eastern Provinces and bemoaned the fact that there were and are no leaders of Thonda’s acumen, sagacity and experience amongst them.

Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was born in Munapudoor in what was then the Madras Presidency of India during British rule on 30 August 1913. He died of a myocardial infarction at the Sri Jayewardenepura Hospital in Colombo on 30 October 1999. This article is to commemorate his 111th birth anniversary on 30 August 2024.

Continue reading ‘Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman was the shrewdest tactician and sagacious strategist among Tamil political leaders in recent times.’ »

National People’s Power (NPP) Presidential Candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake officially unveiled the NPP’s Presidential election manifesto titled “A Prosperous Nation, A Beautiful Life” in Sri JayawardenepuraKotte yesterday.

Addressing the gathering of NPP Executive Council members, professionals, academics, artists, and others, Dissanayake highlighted that the manifesto is the party’s response to disinformation disseminated by its political rivals.

Dissanayake recalled that recently, various rival politicians have presented programs to the public, claiming they are NPP’s own. “Even today, others frequently discuss our economic policies and governance plans. However, we often choose not to respond. We avoid engaging in unnecessary discussions and conflicts,” he said.

He said that through the Presidential election manifesto, the NPP has provided a strong response to the false and distorted information spread against it. “This manifesto, titled ‘A Prosperous Nation, A Beautiful Life,’ is our response. While others choose to spread false or distorted information, we choose to respond with clarity and integrity,” he said.

Continue reading ‘National People’s Power Presidential Candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake officially Releases the NPP’s Presidential election manifesto titled “A Prosperous Nation, A Beautiful Life” .’ »

By

Ranga Jayasuriya

A rhetorical question: What difference would it have made if Sajith Premadasa delivered the speech Thalatha Athukorala did last week?

First and foremost, the difference would have been between a mature democracy and one driven by petty personal greed; the latter is a hallmark of politics in this part of the world.

Take for instance, France, where political parties of the Centre and Left regularly join ranks to stop the far-right from taking power, notwithstanding the major policy differences between the two sides. Still, the common agenda is to save the fabric of the Fifth Republic.

The latest rapport came after the first round of national polls gave Marine Le Pen’s National Rally the most votes and projected seats. Not limited to France, tactical voting and alliance between traditional foes is a big winner in much of E

urope, where the newly resurgent far-right is making inroads to power.

Continue reading ‘Sajith Premadasa does not seem to have the experience or intellectual fortitude to lead the country out of economic trouble. As Thalatha fears,it may be a repetition of Gotabaya,if Sajith Wins.’ »

By

D.B.S.JeyarajContinue reading ‘“Anjanenjan” Amirthalingam; The Firebrand Youth with a Fearless Heart who became a Respected Statesmanlike Tamil Leader’ »

By

Kishali Pinto – Jayawardene

Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court ruling this week that President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s defiant action in postponing Local Government polls in 2023, citing a purported lack of funds in the wake of the country’s bankruptcy, had violated the fundamental right to equality and the right to vote of citizens, raises several interesting issues.

The ‘thundering’ of the President in response

In fact, this decision should come as no surprise. There was little choice but to hold as the Bench did, relying on several precedents which have firmly established the predominant principle that, exercising the right of franchise is an inviolable right of citizens, it is a collective as well as an individual right. The Court found the President (also as Minister of Finance) responsible along with the luckless Elections Commission.

True to form, the President thundered in the days following the Court ruling that, ‘I do not regret the decision, adding that these were crucial few months where the single-minded focus was to ensure, ‘the people’s right to life and in maintaining their safety.’ But when the President posits the choice as between the ‘economy’ and the ‘elections’, he invents a false narrative that must be strongly refuted.

President Wickremesinghe‘s impassioned rhetoric to his support base was that, ‘we needed every month, every week, every day, every hour…’ to accomplish our task and ‘what country has managed to recover from economic devastation so quickly in two years?’

He also seems to draw a constitutionally non-viable distinction between the (insignificant?) Local Government elections and the presidential/parliamentary elections, declaring that the latter is an exercise of the people’s right to vote which he had/has no intention of denying.

Continue reading ‘Supreme Court ruling that President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s defiant action in postponing Local Government polls in 2023 had violated the fundamental right to equality and the right to vote of citizens,should come as no surprise’ »

By Chandani Kirinde

Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Ratnapura District MP Thalatha Atukorale, who resigned from her seat in parliament on Wednesday, said she is yet undecided on supporting any of the presidential candidates, but she could no longer remain in the SJB given the manner in which the party is being run.

“There are many reasons why I chose to quit, but I don’t want to say much as we are in the middle of an election campaign. From the beginning, I had the feeling that the leader (SJB leader Sajith Premadasa) was not listening to whatever we told him, and we were not appreciated. There is also no proper plan for the party. In addition to that, there were some issues involving my district,” Ms. Atukorale told the Sunday Times.

After resigning from parliament on Wednesday, the former MP travelled to Ratnapura, where she hopes to speak to her supporters and gauge their views on her decision. “This decision was taken on my own. Some of my voters may not agree with it. Those who agree will stay with me, and then the others might take another path,” she said.

Continue reading ‘“The current president has proven his abilities. He single handedly brought the situation of the country under control. I know not everyone is happy, and we have some way to go, but we can get there together” -Thalatha Atukorale.’ »

By

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

There was a period when the abolition of the executive presidential system was a key issue at Presidential Elections. However, such a situation cannot be expected to arise again.

The politicians who promised to abolish the executive presidency have not only failed to do so after winning the election and assuming office as president, but have also taken action to increase their powers. Therefore, the reality is that people are not going to trust politicians who make such promises again.

However, now that the Presidential Election campaigns are heating up, talks of the abolition of the executive presidency have resumed. Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Leader Sajith Premadasa and National People’s Power (NPP) Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake have promised on election platforms last week that if they win the Presidential Election and come to power, they will abolish the presidential system and bring back the parliamentary system.

Pointing out that Premadasa had announced the abolition of the executive presidency the day after they made such a promise, NPP politicians claimed that they were the trendsetters of Sri Lankan politics.

Continue reading ‘Sajith and Anura Promise to Abolish the Executive Presidency if they come to Powe; Reality is that people are not going to trust politicians who make such promises again.’ »

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

Nambukara Helambage Rajitha Harischandra Senaratne known as Rajitha Senaratne is the latest among well-known politicians to throw in their lot with incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya(SJB) MP for Kalutara district met with the president at the Gangaramaya temple in Colombo on 13 August and signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) pledging unconditional support to Wickremesinghe in the forthcoming Presidential election scheduled for 21 September 2024.Dr. Senaratne is a dentist turned politician who has served as cabinet minister for many years in the past.

Speaking after the signing of the MOU at Gangaramaya , Senaratne described Wickremesinghe as a “man of our time” who altered Sri Lanka’s trajectory by rescuing it from a dire situation. According to newspaper reports, Senaratne had stated this motivated him into supporting Wickremesinghe’s candidacy.

Speaking further he said if Wickremesinghe is defeated, and the recent achievements are lost, people may only realise too late what he (Wickremesinghe) had accomplished. He said by then, it would be too late for both Wickremesinghe and the country

Senaratne claimed he had no personal conflict with SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, his wife Jalani Premadasa or other leaders of the party. Senaratne disclosed d that Premadasa urged him to remain supportive and not leave the fold. He also claimed that Premadasa promised a national list seat for his son, Chathura Senaratne, in exchange for his continued support. “He assured me that Chathura would be given one of the top three slots,” Senaratne said.

Senaratne said he held several rounds of discussions with Wickremesinghe and the MoU has no conditions which would personally benefit him. He said they were all for the benefit of the country.

After welcoming the Kalutara MP, President Ranil Wickremesinghe said that for Sri Lanka to move forward, it was essential not only to revive the economy but also reform the political framework. He mentioned that, like himself, Senaratne has radical ideas for transforming society, which is why he extended an invitation for Senaratne to join him in this effort.

Continue reading ‘Will Rajitha Senaratne’s Crossover Trigger More Defections of MPs From SJB to Ranil’s Side?’ »

Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Ratnapura District MP Thalatha Athukorala yesterday announced her resignation from Parliament delivering a scathing critique of party’s Presidential hopeful Sajith Premadasa before stepping down.

During a special address in Parliament, Thalatha Athukorala, who entered Parliament in 2004 after the untimely passing of her brother, United National Party (UNP) stalwart Gamini Athukorala, questioned Sajith Premadasa’s leadership qualities and his suitability to lead the country at this critical time.

She also underscored the importance of honesty and patience in politics, stating her belief that this was not the right time for Sajith Premadasa to pursue the Presidency of Sri Lanka.

A visibly emotional Athukoarala expressed deep regret over the division of the UNP and the recent failure of the UNP and the SJB to unite ahead of the Presidential election.

Continue reading ‘SJB Ratnapura District MP Thalatha Athukorale Announces her Resignation from Parliament;Delivers Scathing Attack on Sajith Premadasa questioning his leadership qualities and suitability to lead the country at this critical time. Asks if Premadasa is attempting to act out Part II of Gotabaya Rajapaksa fiasco’ »

By

Tisaranee Gunasekara

“…who’s the fairest of them all?” Grimm Brothers (Snow White)

The most iconic moment at Nelson Mandela’s star studded memorial service was a handshake.

As US President Barack Obama ran up to the podium under a light drizzle, a CNN reporter was droning about the extra security arrangements. Suddenly, the excited voice of Christiane Amanpour cut in, shouting, “Castro, he’s shaking hands with Raul Castro.” Mr Obama had paused to shake the hand of the Cuban leader and to share a few words with him.

That simple sign of civility had its decriers, especially on the right wing of the Republican Party. Mr. Obama was accused of being a traitor, of pandering to the enemy, of endangering democracy and American security.

Perhaps Sajith Premadasa has a few similar minded advisors.

Mingling with one’s opponents on nomination day has become a Sri Lankan norm. 2024 was no exception. President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sirithunga Jayasuriya, ideological antipodes of long standing, chatted together amiably.

Political opponents Namal Rajapaksa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake exchanged greetings and broad smiles. Sajith Premadasa seemed the only outlier in that polite crowd. Not only did he refuse to shake Ranil Wickremesinghe’s hand; instead of mingling and making friendly overtures he remained in his seat, assiduous courtiers in attendance, already a king.

The seemingly trivial incident matters because of the nature of Sri Lankan presidency. The US presidency was created as a democratic alternative to the only form of government available during the late 18th century – monarchy.

The Sri Lankan presidency was created with the opposing intent of turning a democratically elected leader into a de facto monarch. While the provisions of the 1978 Constitution might have been informed by US and French presidential systems, its ethos was rooted in our own monarchic past of absolutist rulers who were the state.

Continue reading ‘Sajith Premadasa’s churlish refusal to shake the proffered hand of Ranil Wickremesinghe his political opponent is a reminder of the danger of a system where governance and character are symbiotically connected.’ »

By

Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

A total of 39 candidates are contesting in Sri Lanka’s ninth Presidential Election scheduled to be held on 21 September. This is a record number of candidates contesting in an election in the history of Presidential Elections of the country.

Until now, the Presidential Election has been a direct contest between candidates of two main political parties or alliances led by them. But this time the election will be a three-way contest between incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Leader Sajith Premadasa, and National People’s Power (NPP) Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake.
Some political observers are maki

ng disturbing comments, questioning whether there is a chance of a change in the scenario of a three-way contest after the entry of Namal Rajapaksa, the National Organiser of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the eldest son and political heir of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa into the fray.

This time, the Presidential Election is taking place in an entirely different situation. Two years ago the severe economic crisis during the reign of the Rajapaksas sparked an unprecedented popular uprising in Sri Lanka’s history. Sri Lankan voters are going to get the opportunity to exercise their right to vote for the first time since the uprising that ousted the Rajapaksas from power. If there has been any perceptible change in the political thinking of the people as a result of the uprising, this election should definitely reflect that.
Unlike the previous Presidential Elections, this time the campaigns started several months before the formal announcement of the election by the Election Commission. Premadasa and Dissanayake announced their candidature last year and started campaigning vigorously.

Ranil’s independent candidacy

As for President Wickremesinghe, he announced late last month that he would contest the election. With his United National Party (UNP) severely weakened, he had to focus on building a broader alliance that could support him in the election.

He is contesting not as a candidate of his party but as an independent candidate with the support of a peculiar alliance comprising defectors from various political parties. An agreement on the alliance comprising 32 political parties and groups was signed on Friday (16).

This is the first-ever time that a leader of a main political party in Sri Lanka is running as an independent candidate at a national election.

After the Rajapaksas decided to field a separate candidate on behalf of the SLPP, most of the parliamentarians of that party abandoned them and came to the side of the President. Therefore, even if the President is happy about the developments, he needs to really think about the number of votes each of them can bring him.

Some observers say that because of the growing support for the President among the people in their constituencies, those Members of Parliament (MPs) are abandoning the Rajapaksas and scrambling to support him. Even politicians who were staunch Rajapaksa loyalists say publicly that they have decided to back Wickremesinghe at the behest of their supporters who are increasingly turning towards him.

A different strategy

It seems that the President is conducting his campaign with an entirely different strategy, declaring that he will campaign among the people by promoting the nation and not himself. He says that he is not contesting the election against anyone and, unlike other candidates, he is not contesting for his own political future but for the future of the country. He has announced that he is ready to work with all parties if he wins the election.

“Earlier I invited Premadasa and Anura Kumara to come forward to work with me. But they turned it down. They may be worried about that now. Next time, I will bring them into the Government without any objection. Not only them but also Namal Rajapaksa, the candidate of the SLPP,” he told newspaper editors and heads of media houses last week.

It seems certain that he is not going to attack any candidate on the election platform. Saying that the agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is the only way to bring Sri Lanka out of the economic crisis and lead it towards prosperity, he asks the people to give him a mandate for the next five years to continue with the economic restructuring measures that his Government has been taking forward for the last two years.

The President also points out that the other main presidential candidates are also not opposed to the agreement with the IMF and that they have openly said they will continue with it. He is not making any new promises and is seeking the mandate of the people to continue the same economic restructuring programme.

In addition, Wickremesinghe, who has presented himself as an independent candidate who can be supported by all parties without showing interest in party politics like in the past, portrays himself as a new ‘avatar’ beyond party politics. If he wins, perhaps he may be the first non-party president in Sri Lanka. An important question is what impact the President’s current approach will have on Sri Lankan society, which has a political culture characterised by deep party political rivalries and ethnic animosity.

Pledges by RW, SP and AKD

After submitting their nomination papers at the Election Commission office last Thursday (15), the three main candidates made remarks to supporters and media.

“I seek the people’s mandate to create a bright future for the people of Sri Lanka. We took charge of the country and brought stability. You now have access to food, fuel, and other essentials.
“This is just the beginning. There is a lot of work to be done to make Sri Lanka a stable nation. I request people to give me a mandate to carry out these tasks. When asked to take charge of the country at a time of crisis, members of the Opposition ran away. Decide whether you are going to hand over the country to such people or not,” the President said.

SJB Leader Premadasa said that he would usher in an era of the common masses in the style of his father, late President Ranasinghe Premadasa. “I promise to create an era of the common masses. I will create a situation where everyone living in the country can enjoy the benefits of development. I call upon the people to rally behind me,” he stated.

NPP Leader Dissanayake said that the people needed a change and that only their camp had the ability to bring about such a change. “Despite the number of elections held in the past, the people suffered untold hardships for years. We can win this election. People want a change in the situation of suffering. We can turn this election to rescue people and the country from hardships. Only our camp can achieve that goal.”

Enter Namal Rajapaksa

For Namal Rajapaksa, he is contesting the Presidential Election as an attempt to rebuild the SLPP with his political future in mind. A significant aspect of Namal’s entry is that a prominent member of the Rajapaksa family has entered the electoral fray after a popular uprising ousted it from power.

No member of the Rajapaksa family had any intention of contesting the Presidential Election this time. At one point it was widely believed that supporting President Wickremesinghe was their best option. But after the President flatly refused to comply with their demands and conditions to secure their future political prospects, they decided to field a separate candidate on behalf of their party.
Before falling out with the President, it seemed that the Rajapaksas were subtly intimidating the President with the prospect of nominating casino owner and leading businessman Dhammika Perera as their party’s potential candidate. The Rajapaksas’ attempt to use Perera and his money as a touchstone to test their current support among the people ultimately proved futile. Perera announced at the last minute that he did not want to contest the election due to personal reasons.

Therefore, the Rajapaksas were forced to field Namal without any other option. Fearing that the SLPP’s vote base would be scattered if they did not contest the election, the Rajapaksas have nominated Namal to protect the party. But are the people going to vote to elect a new president or are they going to vote to protect the Rajapaksas’ party?

The Rajapaksas have a perverse idea that the Sinhalese people should be forever loyal to them regardless of their mistakes for ending the war.

At the same time, there is no doubt that the Rajapaksas will be inclined to repeat majoritarian mobilisation against the political rights and aspirations of minority communities in order to garner as many votes as possible. But while all three main candidates, though may be for electoral purposes, are interested in reaching out to minority communities, it seems that the Rajapaksas’ communal rhetoric is unlikely to gain much traction with the Sinhalese this time around.

If Namal, a young political leader who is nursing an ambition to lead the country in the future chooses a non-communal path, unlike the elders of his family, it will augur well for him. Will he be willing to change himself? At least he can show a change in the thinking on ethnic relations by announcing in his election manifesto a progressive stance on the implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

Other candidates in the fray

Candidates of 23 political parties and 16 independent candidates are contesting the Presidential Election. Among them are leading politicians like former Army Chief Sarath Fonseka and former Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe. There is no doubt that they are contesting for other purposes than to be elected as president. The same is the case with most of the independent candidates.
It is also noteworthy that Nuwan Bopage, a lawyer, is contesting the Presidential Election on behalf of the People’s Struggle Alliance, a movement formed by a faction of activists who were at the forefront of the ‘Aragalaya’ people’s uprising.

Fundamental issues

Meanwhile, some of the fundamental issues that usually dominate Presidential Elections seem unlikely to get the attention of the main candidates this time around. In particular, it is not known whether the long-standing popular demand to abolish the executive presidential system will find a place in their election manifestos.
Regarding the national problem, nothing else can be expected in the manifestos of the main candidates except for the declarations on implementing the 13th Amendment to the Constitution with vague positions on important powers such as Police and land.

There are also politicians in the north who say that they can consider supporting any candidate from the south if they promise that they are ready to accept the Sri Lankan Tamil people’s right to self-determination and find a solution to the national ethnic problem based on a federal system. So much is their understanding of today’s political situation around them.

On the north and east political front, Pakkiyaselvam Ariyanethiran, a former Batticaloa District MP of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), is contesting as a common Tamil candidate in the Presidential Election on behalf of some Tamil parties and a newly formed civil society, the Tamil National General Council.

His appointment was contrary to all the criteria defined by the Tamil National General Council from the beginning for a person who can be appointed as a Tamil common candidate.

Those who nominated Ariyanethiran say that he is nothing more than a symbol of Tamil nationalistic political aspirations. He also says that his symbolic duty will end on election day. So, there is no point in talking about him here. It seems that hereafter, the Tamil people will not have leaders but only symbols if and when elections come.

Courtesy:Sunday Morning

By

D.B.S.Jeyaraj

From the time Ranil Wickremesinghe returned to the seat of power as Prime Minister and later as President, false narratives have been concocted and circulated e by his opponents, adeversaries, critics and detractors about him. One was that Wickremesinghe was afraid to face a presidential election and that he would put off the poll through unorthodox measures.

This falsehood was exposed when the date of the presidential poll was gazetted by the Election Commission. Wickremesinghe was the first to pay his election deposit as an independent candidate. Unable to confront this reality,Ranil’s foes now comfort themselves saying “wait and see will you,he will do something before the election”.

Another and comparatively more effective false narrative was about the Ranil -Rajapaka relationship. It is certainly true that Ranil was first appointed Prime minister and then acting president by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. After Gota resigned, Ranil was elected president by 134 of 225 MPs. The majority of these MPs were from the Rajapaksa-led Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). Ranil’s cabinet consists of a very large number of SLPP parliamentarians. The budgets and other legislation presented by the Wickremesinghe Govt were passed by Parliament mainly due to support extended by Pohottuwa MPs.

Despite this perceived dependence on the Rajapaksa-led SLPP, President Wickremesinghe has always been his own man. While maintaining cordial relations with the Rajapaksas and accommodating a few of their requests, Ranil remained firmly independent of them.

Wickremesinghe has in tandem with the Central Bank , chartered an economic policy independent of the Rajapaksas. Many of Wickremesinghe’s economic measures are not to the liking of the Rajapaksas but they have gone along reluctantly. This is because the Rajapaksas needed Ranil as much as he needed them. The dependence is not one-sided but mutual inter-dependence.

Continue reading ‘Namal Rajapaksa’s Entry Impacts Political Dynamics of 2024 Presidential Election.’ »

President Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday highlighted the significance of the newly signed ‘Puluwan Sri Lanka’ (Sri Lanka Can) agreement, stressing that it is not intended to form a new political party but rather to unite the nation and build a brighter future.

The agreement, endorsed by 34 political parties and alliances, symbolises a collective commitment to overcoming the country’s challenges and rebuilding for the future.

The ‘Puluwan Sri Lanka’ agreement, according to the President, represents a new force in Sri Lankan politics, aiming to unite all communities and ensure long-term progress for the nation. He said the country has emerged as a new force, uniting when the country’s political parties were in disarray, and it is essential to continue this program for another five years, during which a new leadership would have been born in this country, one that the country has not seen in recent times.

Continue reading ‘34 Political Parties and Alliances Endorse Support for President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Candidacy at “Puluwan Sri Lanka”Convention in Colombo.’ »